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I enjoyed reading the optimistic outlook for psychiatry outlined in your SWOT analysis (“Contemporary psychiatry: A SWOT analysis,”
I think, though, you misplaced an opportunity as a threat in your assessment that the increase in the amount of advanced practice psychiatric nurses (PMHAPRNs) presents a threat to psychiatry. The presence of an increased number of PMHAPRNs provides access to a larger number of people needing treatment by qualified, skilled mental health professionals and an opportunity for psychiatrists to participate in highly effective teams of psychiatric clinicians. This workforce-building is of particular importance during our current clinician shortage, especially within psychiatry. Most research has shown that advanced practice nurses’ quality of care is competitive with that of physicians with similar experience, and that patient satisfaction is high. Advanced practice nurses are more likely than physicians to provide care in underserved populations and in rural communities. We are educated to practice independently within our scope, to standards established by our professional organizations as well as American Psychiatric Association (APA) clinical guidelines. I hope you will reconsider your view of your PMHAPRN colleagues as a threat and see them as a positive contribution to your chosen field of psychiatry, like the APA has shown in their choice of including a PMHAPRN as a clinical expert team member on the SMI Adviser initiative.
Stella Logan, APRN, PMHCNS-BC, PMHNP-BC
Austin, Texas
Dr. Nasrallah responds
Thank you for your letter regarding my SWOT article. It was originally written for the newsletter of the Ohio Psychiatric Physicians Association, comprised of 1,000 psychiatrists. To them, nurse practitioners (NPs) are regarded as a threat because some mental health care systems have been laying off psychiatrists and hiring NPs to lower costs. This obviously is perceived as a threat. I do agree with you that well-qualified NPs are providing needed mental health services in underserved areas (eg, inner cities and rural areas), where it is very difficult to recruit psychiatrists due to the severe shortage nationally.
Henry A. Nasrallah, MD, DLFAPA
Editor-in-Chief
Continue to: More on the transdiagnostic model
More on the transdiagnostic model
I just had the pleasure of reading your February 2023 editorial (“Depression and schizophrenia: Many biological and clinical similarities,”
David Krassner, MD
Phoenix, Arizona
I completely agree with your promotion of a unified transdiagnostic model. All of this makes sense on the continuum of consciousness—restricted consciousness represents fear, whereas wide consciousness represents complete connectivity (love in the spiritual sense). Therefore, a threat not resolved can lead to defeat and an unresolved painful defeat can lead to a psychotic projection. Is it no surprise, then, that a medication such as quetiapine can treat the whole continuum from anxiety at low doses to psychosis at high doses?
Mike Primc, MD
Chardon, Ohio
I enjoyed reading the optimistic outlook for psychiatry outlined in your SWOT analysis (“Contemporary psychiatry: A SWOT analysis,”
I think, though, you misplaced an opportunity as a threat in your assessment that the increase in the amount of advanced practice psychiatric nurses (PMHAPRNs) presents a threat to psychiatry. The presence of an increased number of PMHAPRNs provides access to a larger number of people needing treatment by qualified, skilled mental health professionals and an opportunity for psychiatrists to participate in highly effective teams of psychiatric clinicians. This workforce-building is of particular importance during our current clinician shortage, especially within psychiatry. Most research has shown that advanced practice nurses’ quality of care is competitive with that of physicians with similar experience, and that patient satisfaction is high. Advanced practice nurses are more likely than physicians to provide care in underserved populations and in rural communities. We are educated to practice independently within our scope, to standards established by our professional organizations as well as American Psychiatric Association (APA) clinical guidelines. I hope you will reconsider your view of your PMHAPRN colleagues as a threat and see them as a positive contribution to your chosen field of psychiatry, like the APA has shown in their choice of including a PMHAPRN as a clinical expert team member on the SMI Adviser initiative.
Stella Logan, APRN, PMHCNS-BC, PMHNP-BC
Austin, Texas
Dr. Nasrallah responds
Thank you for your letter regarding my SWOT article. It was originally written for the newsletter of the Ohio Psychiatric Physicians Association, comprised of 1,000 psychiatrists. To them, nurse practitioners (NPs) are regarded as a threat because some mental health care systems have been laying off psychiatrists and hiring NPs to lower costs. This obviously is perceived as a threat. I do agree with you that well-qualified NPs are providing needed mental health services in underserved areas (eg, inner cities and rural areas), where it is very difficult to recruit psychiatrists due to the severe shortage nationally.
Henry A. Nasrallah, MD, DLFAPA
Editor-in-Chief
Continue to: More on the transdiagnostic model
More on the transdiagnostic model
I just had the pleasure of reading your February 2023 editorial (“Depression and schizophrenia: Many biological and clinical similarities,”
David Krassner, MD
Phoenix, Arizona
I completely agree with your promotion of a unified transdiagnostic model. All of this makes sense on the continuum of consciousness—restricted consciousness represents fear, whereas wide consciousness represents complete connectivity (love in the spiritual sense). Therefore, a threat not resolved can lead to defeat and an unresolved painful defeat can lead to a psychotic projection. Is it no surprise, then, that a medication such as quetiapine can treat the whole continuum from anxiety at low doses to psychosis at high doses?
Mike Primc, MD
Chardon, Ohio
I enjoyed reading the optimistic outlook for psychiatry outlined in your SWOT analysis (“Contemporary psychiatry: A SWOT analysis,”
I think, though, you misplaced an opportunity as a threat in your assessment that the increase in the amount of advanced practice psychiatric nurses (PMHAPRNs) presents a threat to psychiatry. The presence of an increased number of PMHAPRNs provides access to a larger number of people needing treatment by qualified, skilled mental health professionals and an opportunity for psychiatrists to participate in highly effective teams of psychiatric clinicians. This workforce-building is of particular importance during our current clinician shortage, especially within psychiatry. Most research has shown that advanced practice nurses’ quality of care is competitive with that of physicians with similar experience, and that patient satisfaction is high. Advanced practice nurses are more likely than physicians to provide care in underserved populations and in rural communities. We are educated to practice independently within our scope, to standards established by our professional organizations as well as American Psychiatric Association (APA) clinical guidelines. I hope you will reconsider your view of your PMHAPRN colleagues as a threat and see them as a positive contribution to your chosen field of psychiatry, like the APA has shown in their choice of including a PMHAPRN as a clinical expert team member on the SMI Adviser initiative.
Stella Logan, APRN, PMHCNS-BC, PMHNP-BC
Austin, Texas
Dr. Nasrallah responds
Thank you for your letter regarding my SWOT article. It was originally written for the newsletter of the Ohio Psychiatric Physicians Association, comprised of 1,000 psychiatrists. To them, nurse practitioners (NPs) are regarded as a threat because some mental health care systems have been laying off psychiatrists and hiring NPs to lower costs. This obviously is perceived as a threat. I do agree with you that well-qualified NPs are providing needed mental health services in underserved areas (eg, inner cities and rural areas), where it is very difficult to recruit psychiatrists due to the severe shortage nationally.
Henry A. Nasrallah, MD, DLFAPA
Editor-in-Chief
Continue to: More on the transdiagnostic model
More on the transdiagnostic model
I just had the pleasure of reading your February 2023 editorial (“Depression and schizophrenia: Many biological and clinical similarities,”
David Krassner, MD
Phoenix, Arizona
I completely agree with your promotion of a unified transdiagnostic model. All of this makes sense on the continuum of consciousness—restricted consciousness represents fear, whereas wide consciousness represents complete connectivity (love in the spiritual sense). Therefore, a threat not resolved can lead to defeat and an unresolved painful defeat can lead to a psychotic projection. Is it no surprise, then, that a medication such as quetiapine can treat the whole continuum from anxiety at low doses to psychosis at high doses?
Mike Primc, MD
Chardon, Ohio
Nothing more than feelings?
HISTORY: REPEAT OFFENDER
Mr. V, age 68, was incarcerated for 13 years for two separate pedophilia convictions. During that time, he passed numerous rehabilitative courses. With several years left on his sentence, he was paroled on condition that he undergo a bilateral orchiectomy.
Eight months later, Mr. V complained to his primary care physician that he could not have sex with his girlfriend, even after taking 50 mg of sildenafil, which he had obtained from a friend. He requested testosterone injections to allow him to have intercourse. After consulting an endocrinologist, the physician ordered Mr. V to undergo a psychiatric assessment before receiving testosterone. He was referred to our outpatient clinic.
During our evaluation, Mr. V described both pedophilia incidents. In the first, he had fondled a 14-year-old girl who was a friend of his family. He pled guilty to a charge of inappropriate sexual contact with a minor and was sentenced to 3 years in a state prison for sex offenders.
Less than 2 years after he was paroled, Mr. V said, he fondled his 12-year-old granddaughter. He said his daughter “should have known better” than to leave him home alone with the child. Again he was convicted of illegal sexual relations with a minor and sentenced to 10 years at the state hospital for the criminally insane.
As Mr. V describes his past offenses, we begin feeling tremendously uneasy. Although forthcoming, he blandly denies responsibility for either incident. He acknowledges that society views his actions as wrong, but he never indicates that he believes them to be wrong. At times he tries to normalize his behavior, saying “What man would have acted differently?”
Mr. V is polite and appropriate and promises to abide by our recommendation, yet he sees no reason for us to deny his request and no connection between his criminal record and the nature of his crimes or the terms of his parole. His denial and lack of insight are typical of convicted pedophiles (Box 1).
Most pedophiles are unemployed men ages 30 to 42.1 In one clinical study, 70% of convicted pedophiles reported fewer than 10 victims, and 23% reported 10 to 40 victims.1 Conte et al2 found that the average number of victims per offender may exceed 7.
Poor insight and denial are common among pedophiles. In one study that explored the relationship between denial of hostility and psychopathology, 37 of 82 patients denied the charges against them.3 The study’s authors state that their data “support the contention that alleged sex offenders’ self-reports and their scores on obvious-item hostility inventories are highly suspect and should not be accepted at face value.”
During evaluation, a sex offender who minimizes his psychopathology is less likely to admit to hostility, whereas those who exaggerate psychopathology usually acknowledge more hostility. In one study,3 no offenders who denied charges acknowledged psychopathology, but offenders who denied allegations admitted to less hostility than those who did acknowledge them.
The authors’ observations
Anyone evaluating Mr. V would be inclined to treat or dismiss him, or to suppress his or her feelings to avoid prejudice.
Treat or dismiss. As physicians, we are trained to “First, do no harm.” In this case, however, we must consider who could be harmed by treatment or dismissal.
“First, do no harm” is usually taken to mean “no harm to the patient” but could also be interpreted as “no harm to society.” Even if testosterone treatment did not physically harm Mr. V, activating his sex drive could endanger society by spurring him on to molest another child (Box 2). The treatment could also harm Mr. V by making it easier for him to violate parole.
Although failure to treat Mr. V’s sexual dysfunction would likely pose no harm to society, not assessing him might endanger society by clearing the path toward this treatment.
Sexual abuse of children and adolescents is common but underreported.4
The National Crime Victimization Survey estimates that 110,000 sexual assaults in 1996 involved victims ≤age 12, yet only one-third of these assaults were reported to police.5 Data from law enforcement agencies in 12 states indicate that 67% of victims who reported a sexual assault were age 6
When treating patients such as Mr. V, we must not dismiss our feelings—however uncomfortable or unprofessional they might seem—so that we can manage them appropriately. Don’t be ashamed of your feelings—or at least be aware of your shame.
In such cases, these important steps can minimize the risk of compromising treatment or assessment:
- Be aware of your feelings. Reflecting on countertransference after the session, either alone or with other therapists, can help you recognize your feelings.
- Seek peer supervision when evaluating a patient such as Mr. V to help identify potential “blind spots.”
- Be aware of your limitations. Hubris is among a therapist’s most serious potential pitfalls. We all have strengths and weaknesses and should be mindful of them.
The authors’ observations
We took a passive-neutral stance. Sitting with Mr. V without deciding a course of action gave us time to assess our own reactions and limitations and how they might influence our actions.
CONSULTATION: OTHER OPINIONS
The examining psychiatrist (a psychiatric resident) sought advice from an experienced geriatric psychiatrist, a neuropsychologist, and other residents. We discussed our countertransference toward Mr. V and provided mutual supervision. We then acknowledged that none of us had expertise in treating pedophiles and that treating an unfamiliar mental condition would be unethical.
The authors’ observations
In requesting other opinions, we also weighed these important questions:
Is Mr. V violating parole by requesting testosterone injections and taking (unprescribed) sildenafil? We felt we could not rightfully answer this question, since our expertise in the standard of care for patients such as Mr. V was insufficient and any recommendation would be ill-informed.
Sildenafil use is fairly common among convicted sex offenders, as evidenced by the recent controversy over Medicaid providing the drug to this group (see Related resources).
Assuming the testosterone injections promote intercourse, would they increase Mr. V’s arousal? Hall found that offenders who can voluntarily and completely inhibit sexual arousal are less deviant when not attempting to inhibit arousal than are those who cannot completely inhibit arousal.8
Hall, however, urges clinicians to consider variables that influence sexual response before determining how arousal affects an offender’s behavior. With no objective measure of sexual arousal, it is unclear whether increasing Mr. V’s testosterone would heighten it—and his potential threat to society.
The Abel Assessment of Sexual Interest was devised to determine sexual pathology, but evidence suggests this test is clinically unreliable.
Would enhancing Mr. V’s arousal increase his risk of recidivism? Although some studies have found that castration decreases a sex offender’s sexual activity, evidence suggests that sexual responsiveness after castration varies considerably. Heim found that:
- 31% of castrates could still have intercourse
- rapists are more sexually active than pedophiles after castration
- men ages 46 to 59 experience a greater reduction in sexual behavior than do men age 9
What standard of care applies to Mr. V? Treating pedophilia is difficult and poorly understood. Psychotherapy is considered an adjunct to medication or surgery. Surgical interventions are akin to punishment, whereas medications—well-studied and often augmented with psychotherapy—are associated with high recidivism rates.11,14
Surgery. Orchiectomy is by far the most common surgical intervention. Experimental procedures have targeted stereotaxic ablation of specific parts of the brain, usually the hypothalamus or amygdala, but these techniques have not been adequately studied in humans.11 Even so, testosterone therapy can restore sexual function after castration.10
Medications. Antiandrogens such as medroxy-progesterone acetate (MPA) inhibit intracellular uptake of androgens (such as testosterone) by blocking their binding to the receptor.12 MPA is most frequently used in the United States.
Long-acting analogs of gonadotropin-releasing hormone (GnRH), such as leuprolide, nafarelin, goserelin, and triptorelin, have shown efficacy in early studies.12 These agents down-regulate gonadotroph cells, inducing severe but reversible hypogonadism with few other side effects.
Although decreased libido is a common side effect of selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs), use of these agents to reduce sex drive in convicted pedophiles has not been studied. Because onset of decreased libido with SSRI use is unpredictable, we cannot recommend their use to reduce sex drive in convicted offenders.
Psychotherapy. Power14 nicely outlines the elements of psychotherapy for pedophilia:
- explanation and education
- manipulating the environment
- suggestion, including hypnosis and persuasion
- superficial analysis
- deep-transference analysis
- sublimation.
Stone et al10 draw several germane conclusions:
- Sentencing laws are often unclear or do not take into account scientific research on pedophilia. For example, psychological testing often is not ordered before a treatment is mandated, even though knowing the patient’s psychological profile and the nature of his predilections are crucial to treatment and prognosis.12
- Many laws do not suggest an instrument of implementation. For example, most laws that mandate a patient evaluation do not specify whether a licensed psychiatrist, psychologist, or other clinician should evaluate the patient.
- Many laws directed against pedophilia are punitive in nature. Mandated treatment—or the informed consent that precedes it—is often inadequate,10 and physicians can be held liable in either case. However, we could not determine the liability that could result from enhancing a convicted pedophile’s libido.
REFERRAL: TREATMENT ADVICE
We referred Mr. V back to his primary care physician and advised the doctor to:
- discuss the testosterone treatment request with physicians who treated Mr. V at the state prison
- call our hospital’s attorney to investigate the legal implications of treating Mr. V.
- Sex offenders get Medicaid-paid Viagra. Associated Press May 22, 2005. http://msnbc.msn.com/id/7946129/.
- Conte JR, Wolf S, Smith T. What sexual offenders tell us about prevention strategies. Child Abuse Negl 1989;13:293-301.
- U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics. Statistics on sex offenders and victims. www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/abstract/saycrle.htm.
- Goserelin • Zoladex
- Leuprolide • Eligard, others
- Medroxyprogesterone acetate • Depo-Provera, others
- Nafarelin • Synarel
- Sildenafil • Viagra
- Triptorelin • Trelstar Depot
The authors thank Cynthia Meyer, chief librarian, VA Hospital, Fresno, CA, for her help with researching this article.
Disclosure
The authors report no financial relationship with any company whose products are mentioned in this article or with manufacturers of competing products.
1. Elliott M, Browne K, Kilcoyne J. Child sexual abuse prevention: what offenders tell us. J Sex Marital Ther 2002;28:211-8.
2. Conte JR, Wolf S, Smith T. What sexual offenders tell us about prevention strategies. Child Abuse Negl 1989;13:293-301.
3. Wasyliw OE, Grossman LS, Haywood TW. Denial of hostility and psychopathology in the evaluation of child molestation. J Pers Assess 1994;63:185-90.
4. Kempe CH. Sexual abuse, another hidden pediatric problem: the 1977 C. Anderson Aldrich lecture. Pediatrics 1978;62:382-9.
5. Ringel C. Criminal victimization 1996: changes 1995-96 with trends 1993-96. BJS Bulletin, NCJ 165812, November 1997.
6. Snyder HN. Sexual assault of young children as reported to law enforcement: victim, incident, and offender characteristics. U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, July 2000. Available at: http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/cvict_c.htm#relate. Accessed June 3, 2005.
7. Gabbard GO. Psychodynamic psychiatry in clinical practice (3rd ed). Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Press; 2000.
8. Hall GC. Sexual arousal as a function of physiological and cognitive variables in a sexual offender population. Arch Sex Behav 1991;20:359-69.
9. Heim N. Sexual behavior of castrated sex offenders. Arch Sex Behav 1981;10:11-19.
10. Stone TH, Winslade WJ, Klugman CM. Sex offenders, sentencing laws and pharmaceutical treatment: a prescription for failure. Behav Sci Law 2000;18:83-110.
11. Freund K. Therapeutic sex drive reduction. Acta Psychiatr Scand Suppl 1980;287:5-38.
12. Rosler A, Witztum E. Pharmacotherapy of paraphilias in the next millennium. Behav Sci Law 2000;18:43-56.
13. Winslade W, Stone TH, Smith-Bell M, Webb DM. Castrating pedophiles convicted of sex offenses against children: new treatment or old punishment? SMU Law Rev 1998;51:349-411.
14. Power DJ. Paedophilia. Practitioner 1977;218:805-11.
HISTORY: REPEAT OFFENDER
Mr. V, age 68, was incarcerated for 13 years for two separate pedophilia convictions. During that time, he passed numerous rehabilitative courses. With several years left on his sentence, he was paroled on condition that he undergo a bilateral orchiectomy.
Eight months later, Mr. V complained to his primary care physician that he could not have sex with his girlfriend, even after taking 50 mg of sildenafil, which he had obtained from a friend. He requested testosterone injections to allow him to have intercourse. After consulting an endocrinologist, the physician ordered Mr. V to undergo a psychiatric assessment before receiving testosterone. He was referred to our outpatient clinic.
During our evaluation, Mr. V described both pedophilia incidents. In the first, he had fondled a 14-year-old girl who was a friend of his family. He pled guilty to a charge of inappropriate sexual contact with a minor and was sentenced to 3 years in a state prison for sex offenders.
Less than 2 years after he was paroled, Mr. V said, he fondled his 12-year-old granddaughter. He said his daughter “should have known better” than to leave him home alone with the child. Again he was convicted of illegal sexual relations with a minor and sentenced to 10 years at the state hospital for the criminally insane.
As Mr. V describes his past offenses, we begin feeling tremendously uneasy. Although forthcoming, he blandly denies responsibility for either incident. He acknowledges that society views his actions as wrong, but he never indicates that he believes them to be wrong. At times he tries to normalize his behavior, saying “What man would have acted differently?”
Mr. V is polite and appropriate and promises to abide by our recommendation, yet he sees no reason for us to deny his request and no connection between his criminal record and the nature of his crimes or the terms of his parole. His denial and lack of insight are typical of convicted pedophiles (Box 1).
Most pedophiles are unemployed men ages 30 to 42.1 In one clinical study, 70% of convicted pedophiles reported fewer than 10 victims, and 23% reported 10 to 40 victims.1 Conte et al2 found that the average number of victims per offender may exceed 7.
Poor insight and denial are common among pedophiles. In one study that explored the relationship between denial of hostility and psychopathology, 37 of 82 patients denied the charges against them.3 The study’s authors state that their data “support the contention that alleged sex offenders’ self-reports and their scores on obvious-item hostility inventories are highly suspect and should not be accepted at face value.”
During evaluation, a sex offender who minimizes his psychopathology is less likely to admit to hostility, whereas those who exaggerate psychopathology usually acknowledge more hostility. In one study,3 no offenders who denied charges acknowledged psychopathology, but offenders who denied allegations admitted to less hostility than those who did acknowledge them.
The authors’ observations
Anyone evaluating Mr. V would be inclined to treat or dismiss him, or to suppress his or her feelings to avoid prejudice.
Treat or dismiss. As physicians, we are trained to “First, do no harm.” In this case, however, we must consider who could be harmed by treatment or dismissal.
“First, do no harm” is usually taken to mean “no harm to the patient” but could also be interpreted as “no harm to society.” Even if testosterone treatment did not physically harm Mr. V, activating his sex drive could endanger society by spurring him on to molest another child (Box 2). The treatment could also harm Mr. V by making it easier for him to violate parole.
Although failure to treat Mr. V’s sexual dysfunction would likely pose no harm to society, not assessing him might endanger society by clearing the path toward this treatment.
Sexual abuse of children and adolescents is common but underreported.4
The National Crime Victimization Survey estimates that 110,000 sexual assaults in 1996 involved victims ≤age 12, yet only one-third of these assaults were reported to police.5 Data from law enforcement agencies in 12 states indicate that 67% of victims who reported a sexual assault were age 6
When treating patients such as Mr. V, we must not dismiss our feelings—however uncomfortable or unprofessional they might seem—so that we can manage them appropriately. Don’t be ashamed of your feelings—or at least be aware of your shame.
In such cases, these important steps can minimize the risk of compromising treatment or assessment:
- Be aware of your feelings. Reflecting on countertransference after the session, either alone or with other therapists, can help you recognize your feelings.
- Seek peer supervision when evaluating a patient such as Mr. V to help identify potential “blind spots.”
- Be aware of your limitations. Hubris is among a therapist’s most serious potential pitfalls. We all have strengths and weaknesses and should be mindful of them.
The authors’ observations
We took a passive-neutral stance. Sitting with Mr. V without deciding a course of action gave us time to assess our own reactions and limitations and how they might influence our actions.
CONSULTATION: OTHER OPINIONS
The examining psychiatrist (a psychiatric resident) sought advice from an experienced geriatric psychiatrist, a neuropsychologist, and other residents. We discussed our countertransference toward Mr. V and provided mutual supervision. We then acknowledged that none of us had expertise in treating pedophiles and that treating an unfamiliar mental condition would be unethical.
The authors’ observations
In requesting other opinions, we also weighed these important questions:
Is Mr. V violating parole by requesting testosterone injections and taking (unprescribed) sildenafil? We felt we could not rightfully answer this question, since our expertise in the standard of care for patients such as Mr. V was insufficient and any recommendation would be ill-informed.
Sildenafil use is fairly common among convicted sex offenders, as evidenced by the recent controversy over Medicaid providing the drug to this group (see Related resources).
Assuming the testosterone injections promote intercourse, would they increase Mr. V’s arousal? Hall found that offenders who can voluntarily and completely inhibit sexual arousal are less deviant when not attempting to inhibit arousal than are those who cannot completely inhibit arousal.8
Hall, however, urges clinicians to consider variables that influence sexual response before determining how arousal affects an offender’s behavior. With no objective measure of sexual arousal, it is unclear whether increasing Mr. V’s testosterone would heighten it—and his potential threat to society.
The Abel Assessment of Sexual Interest was devised to determine sexual pathology, but evidence suggests this test is clinically unreliable.
Would enhancing Mr. V’s arousal increase his risk of recidivism? Although some studies have found that castration decreases a sex offender’s sexual activity, evidence suggests that sexual responsiveness after castration varies considerably. Heim found that:
- 31% of castrates could still have intercourse
- rapists are more sexually active than pedophiles after castration
- men ages 46 to 59 experience a greater reduction in sexual behavior than do men age 9
What standard of care applies to Mr. V? Treating pedophilia is difficult and poorly understood. Psychotherapy is considered an adjunct to medication or surgery. Surgical interventions are akin to punishment, whereas medications—well-studied and often augmented with psychotherapy—are associated with high recidivism rates.11,14
Surgery. Orchiectomy is by far the most common surgical intervention. Experimental procedures have targeted stereotaxic ablation of specific parts of the brain, usually the hypothalamus or amygdala, but these techniques have not been adequately studied in humans.11 Even so, testosterone therapy can restore sexual function after castration.10
Medications. Antiandrogens such as medroxy-progesterone acetate (MPA) inhibit intracellular uptake of androgens (such as testosterone) by blocking their binding to the receptor.12 MPA is most frequently used in the United States.
Long-acting analogs of gonadotropin-releasing hormone (GnRH), such as leuprolide, nafarelin, goserelin, and triptorelin, have shown efficacy in early studies.12 These agents down-regulate gonadotroph cells, inducing severe but reversible hypogonadism with few other side effects.
Although decreased libido is a common side effect of selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs), use of these agents to reduce sex drive in convicted pedophiles has not been studied. Because onset of decreased libido with SSRI use is unpredictable, we cannot recommend their use to reduce sex drive in convicted offenders.
Psychotherapy. Power14 nicely outlines the elements of psychotherapy for pedophilia:
- explanation and education
- manipulating the environment
- suggestion, including hypnosis and persuasion
- superficial analysis
- deep-transference analysis
- sublimation.
Stone et al10 draw several germane conclusions:
- Sentencing laws are often unclear or do not take into account scientific research on pedophilia. For example, psychological testing often is not ordered before a treatment is mandated, even though knowing the patient’s psychological profile and the nature of his predilections are crucial to treatment and prognosis.12
- Many laws do not suggest an instrument of implementation. For example, most laws that mandate a patient evaluation do not specify whether a licensed psychiatrist, psychologist, or other clinician should evaluate the patient.
- Many laws directed against pedophilia are punitive in nature. Mandated treatment—or the informed consent that precedes it—is often inadequate,10 and physicians can be held liable in either case. However, we could not determine the liability that could result from enhancing a convicted pedophile’s libido.
REFERRAL: TREATMENT ADVICE
We referred Mr. V back to his primary care physician and advised the doctor to:
- discuss the testosterone treatment request with physicians who treated Mr. V at the state prison
- call our hospital’s attorney to investigate the legal implications of treating Mr. V.
- Sex offenders get Medicaid-paid Viagra. Associated Press May 22, 2005. http://msnbc.msn.com/id/7946129/.
- Conte JR, Wolf S, Smith T. What sexual offenders tell us about prevention strategies. Child Abuse Negl 1989;13:293-301.
- U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics. Statistics on sex offenders and victims. www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/abstract/saycrle.htm.
- Goserelin • Zoladex
- Leuprolide • Eligard, others
- Medroxyprogesterone acetate • Depo-Provera, others
- Nafarelin • Synarel
- Sildenafil • Viagra
- Triptorelin • Trelstar Depot
The authors thank Cynthia Meyer, chief librarian, VA Hospital, Fresno, CA, for her help with researching this article.
Disclosure
The authors report no financial relationship with any company whose products are mentioned in this article or with manufacturers of competing products.
HISTORY: REPEAT OFFENDER
Mr. V, age 68, was incarcerated for 13 years for two separate pedophilia convictions. During that time, he passed numerous rehabilitative courses. With several years left on his sentence, he was paroled on condition that he undergo a bilateral orchiectomy.
Eight months later, Mr. V complained to his primary care physician that he could not have sex with his girlfriend, even after taking 50 mg of sildenafil, which he had obtained from a friend. He requested testosterone injections to allow him to have intercourse. After consulting an endocrinologist, the physician ordered Mr. V to undergo a psychiatric assessment before receiving testosterone. He was referred to our outpatient clinic.
During our evaluation, Mr. V described both pedophilia incidents. In the first, he had fondled a 14-year-old girl who was a friend of his family. He pled guilty to a charge of inappropriate sexual contact with a minor and was sentenced to 3 years in a state prison for sex offenders.
Less than 2 years after he was paroled, Mr. V said, he fondled his 12-year-old granddaughter. He said his daughter “should have known better” than to leave him home alone with the child. Again he was convicted of illegal sexual relations with a minor and sentenced to 10 years at the state hospital for the criminally insane.
As Mr. V describes his past offenses, we begin feeling tremendously uneasy. Although forthcoming, he blandly denies responsibility for either incident. He acknowledges that society views his actions as wrong, but he never indicates that he believes them to be wrong. At times he tries to normalize his behavior, saying “What man would have acted differently?”
Mr. V is polite and appropriate and promises to abide by our recommendation, yet he sees no reason for us to deny his request and no connection between his criminal record and the nature of his crimes or the terms of his parole. His denial and lack of insight are typical of convicted pedophiles (Box 1).
Most pedophiles are unemployed men ages 30 to 42.1 In one clinical study, 70% of convicted pedophiles reported fewer than 10 victims, and 23% reported 10 to 40 victims.1 Conte et al2 found that the average number of victims per offender may exceed 7.
Poor insight and denial are common among pedophiles. In one study that explored the relationship between denial of hostility and psychopathology, 37 of 82 patients denied the charges against them.3 The study’s authors state that their data “support the contention that alleged sex offenders’ self-reports and their scores on obvious-item hostility inventories are highly suspect and should not be accepted at face value.”
During evaluation, a sex offender who minimizes his psychopathology is less likely to admit to hostility, whereas those who exaggerate psychopathology usually acknowledge more hostility. In one study,3 no offenders who denied charges acknowledged psychopathology, but offenders who denied allegations admitted to less hostility than those who did acknowledge them.
The authors’ observations
Anyone evaluating Mr. V would be inclined to treat or dismiss him, or to suppress his or her feelings to avoid prejudice.
Treat or dismiss. As physicians, we are trained to “First, do no harm.” In this case, however, we must consider who could be harmed by treatment or dismissal.
“First, do no harm” is usually taken to mean “no harm to the patient” but could also be interpreted as “no harm to society.” Even if testosterone treatment did not physically harm Mr. V, activating his sex drive could endanger society by spurring him on to molest another child (Box 2). The treatment could also harm Mr. V by making it easier for him to violate parole.
Although failure to treat Mr. V’s sexual dysfunction would likely pose no harm to society, not assessing him might endanger society by clearing the path toward this treatment.
Sexual abuse of children and adolescents is common but underreported.4
The National Crime Victimization Survey estimates that 110,000 sexual assaults in 1996 involved victims ≤age 12, yet only one-third of these assaults were reported to police.5 Data from law enforcement agencies in 12 states indicate that 67% of victims who reported a sexual assault were age 6
When treating patients such as Mr. V, we must not dismiss our feelings—however uncomfortable or unprofessional they might seem—so that we can manage them appropriately. Don’t be ashamed of your feelings—or at least be aware of your shame.
In such cases, these important steps can minimize the risk of compromising treatment or assessment:
- Be aware of your feelings. Reflecting on countertransference after the session, either alone or with other therapists, can help you recognize your feelings.
- Seek peer supervision when evaluating a patient such as Mr. V to help identify potential “blind spots.”
- Be aware of your limitations. Hubris is among a therapist’s most serious potential pitfalls. We all have strengths and weaknesses and should be mindful of them.
The authors’ observations
We took a passive-neutral stance. Sitting with Mr. V without deciding a course of action gave us time to assess our own reactions and limitations and how they might influence our actions.
CONSULTATION: OTHER OPINIONS
The examining psychiatrist (a psychiatric resident) sought advice from an experienced geriatric psychiatrist, a neuropsychologist, and other residents. We discussed our countertransference toward Mr. V and provided mutual supervision. We then acknowledged that none of us had expertise in treating pedophiles and that treating an unfamiliar mental condition would be unethical.
The authors’ observations
In requesting other opinions, we also weighed these important questions:
Is Mr. V violating parole by requesting testosterone injections and taking (unprescribed) sildenafil? We felt we could not rightfully answer this question, since our expertise in the standard of care for patients such as Mr. V was insufficient and any recommendation would be ill-informed.
Sildenafil use is fairly common among convicted sex offenders, as evidenced by the recent controversy over Medicaid providing the drug to this group (see Related resources).
Assuming the testosterone injections promote intercourse, would they increase Mr. V’s arousal? Hall found that offenders who can voluntarily and completely inhibit sexual arousal are less deviant when not attempting to inhibit arousal than are those who cannot completely inhibit arousal.8
Hall, however, urges clinicians to consider variables that influence sexual response before determining how arousal affects an offender’s behavior. With no objective measure of sexual arousal, it is unclear whether increasing Mr. V’s testosterone would heighten it—and his potential threat to society.
The Abel Assessment of Sexual Interest was devised to determine sexual pathology, but evidence suggests this test is clinically unreliable.
Would enhancing Mr. V’s arousal increase his risk of recidivism? Although some studies have found that castration decreases a sex offender’s sexual activity, evidence suggests that sexual responsiveness after castration varies considerably. Heim found that:
- 31% of castrates could still have intercourse
- rapists are more sexually active than pedophiles after castration
- men ages 46 to 59 experience a greater reduction in sexual behavior than do men age 9
What standard of care applies to Mr. V? Treating pedophilia is difficult and poorly understood. Psychotherapy is considered an adjunct to medication or surgery. Surgical interventions are akin to punishment, whereas medications—well-studied and often augmented with psychotherapy—are associated with high recidivism rates.11,14
Surgery. Orchiectomy is by far the most common surgical intervention. Experimental procedures have targeted stereotaxic ablation of specific parts of the brain, usually the hypothalamus or amygdala, but these techniques have not been adequately studied in humans.11 Even so, testosterone therapy can restore sexual function after castration.10
Medications. Antiandrogens such as medroxy-progesterone acetate (MPA) inhibit intracellular uptake of androgens (such as testosterone) by blocking their binding to the receptor.12 MPA is most frequently used in the United States.
Long-acting analogs of gonadotropin-releasing hormone (GnRH), such as leuprolide, nafarelin, goserelin, and triptorelin, have shown efficacy in early studies.12 These agents down-regulate gonadotroph cells, inducing severe but reversible hypogonadism with few other side effects.
Although decreased libido is a common side effect of selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs), use of these agents to reduce sex drive in convicted pedophiles has not been studied. Because onset of decreased libido with SSRI use is unpredictable, we cannot recommend their use to reduce sex drive in convicted offenders.
Psychotherapy. Power14 nicely outlines the elements of psychotherapy for pedophilia:
- explanation and education
- manipulating the environment
- suggestion, including hypnosis and persuasion
- superficial analysis
- deep-transference analysis
- sublimation.
Stone et al10 draw several germane conclusions:
- Sentencing laws are often unclear or do not take into account scientific research on pedophilia. For example, psychological testing often is not ordered before a treatment is mandated, even though knowing the patient’s psychological profile and the nature of his predilections are crucial to treatment and prognosis.12
- Many laws do not suggest an instrument of implementation. For example, most laws that mandate a patient evaluation do not specify whether a licensed psychiatrist, psychologist, or other clinician should evaluate the patient.
- Many laws directed against pedophilia are punitive in nature. Mandated treatment—or the informed consent that precedes it—is often inadequate,10 and physicians can be held liable in either case. However, we could not determine the liability that could result from enhancing a convicted pedophile’s libido.
REFERRAL: TREATMENT ADVICE
We referred Mr. V back to his primary care physician and advised the doctor to:
- discuss the testosterone treatment request with physicians who treated Mr. V at the state prison
- call our hospital’s attorney to investigate the legal implications of treating Mr. V.
- Sex offenders get Medicaid-paid Viagra. Associated Press May 22, 2005. http://msnbc.msn.com/id/7946129/.
- Conte JR, Wolf S, Smith T. What sexual offenders tell us about prevention strategies. Child Abuse Negl 1989;13:293-301.
- U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics. Statistics on sex offenders and victims. www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/abstract/saycrle.htm.
- Goserelin • Zoladex
- Leuprolide • Eligard, others
- Medroxyprogesterone acetate • Depo-Provera, others
- Nafarelin • Synarel
- Sildenafil • Viagra
- Triptorelin • Trelstar Depot
The authors thank Cynthia Meyer, chief librarian, VA Hospital, Fresno, CA, for her help with researching this article.
Disclosure
The authors report no financial relationship with any company whose products are mentioned in this article or with manufacturers of competing products.
1. Elliott M, Browne K, Kilcoyne J. Child sexual abuse prevention: what offenders tell us. J Sex Marital Ther 2002;28:211-8.
2. Conte JR, Wolf S, Smith T. What sexual offenders tell us about prevention strategies. Child Abuse Negl 1989;13:293-301.
3. Wasyliw OE, Grossman LS, Haywood TW. Denial of hostility and psychopathology in the evaluation of child molestation. J Pers Assess 1994;63:185-90.
4. Kempe CH. Sexual abuse, another hidden pediatric problem: the 1977 C. Anderson Aldrich lecture. Pediatrics 1978;62:382-9.
5. Ringel C. Criminal victimization 1996: changes 1995-96 with trends 1993-96. BJS Bulletin, NCJ 165812, November 1997.
6. Snyder HN. Sexual assault of young children as reported to law enforcement: victim, incident, and offender characteristics. U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, July 2000. Available at: http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/cvict_c.htm#relate. Accessed June 3, 2005.
7. Gabbard GO. Psychodynamic psychiatry in clinical practice (3rd ed). Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Press; 2000.
8. Hall GC. Sexual arousal as a function of physiological and cognitive variables in a sexual offender population. Arch Sex Behav 1991;20:359-69.
9. Heim N. Sexual behavior of castrated sex offenders. Arch Sex Behav 1981;10:11-19.
10. Stone TH, Winslade WJ, Klugman CM. Sex offenders, sentencing laws and pharmaceutical treatment: a prescription for failure. Behav Sci Law 2000;18:83-110.
11. Freund K. Therapeutic sex drive reduction. Acta Psychiatr Scand Suppl 1980;287:5-38.
12. Rosler A, Witztum E. Pharmacotherapy of paraphilias in the next millennium. Behav Sci Law 2000;18:43-56.
13. Winslade W, Stone TH, Smith-Bell M, Webb DM. Castrating pedophiles convicted of sex offenses against children: new treatment or old punishment? SMU Law Rev 1998;51:349-411.
14. Power DJ. Paedophilia. Practitioner 1977;218:805-11.
1. Elliott M, Browne K, Kilcoyne J. Child sexual abuse prevention: what offenders tell us. J Sex Marital Ther 2002;28:211-8.
2. Conte JR, Wolf S, Smith T. What sexual offenders tell us about prevention strategies. Child Abuse Negl 1989;13:293-301.
3. Wasyliw OE, Grossman LS, Haywood TW. Denial of hostility and psychopathology in the evaluation of child molestation. J Pers Assess 1994;63:185-90.
4. Kempe CH. Sexual abuse, another hidden pediatric problem: the 1977 C. Anderson Aldrich lecture. Pediatrics 1978;62:382-9.
5. Ringel C. Criminal victimization 1996: changes 1995-96 with trends 1993-96. BJS Bulletin, NCJ 165812, November 1997.
6. Snyder HN. Sexual assault of young children as reported to law enforcement: victim, incident, and offender characteristics. U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, July 2000. Available at: http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/cvict_c.htm#relate. Accessed June 3, 2005.
7. Gabbard GO. Psychodynamic psychiatry in clinical practice (3rd ed). Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Press; 2000.
8. Hall GC. Sexual arousal as a function of physiological and cognitive variables in a sexual offender population. Arch Sex Behav 1991;20:359-69.
9. Heim N. Sexual behavior of castrated sex offenders. Arch Sex Behav 1981;10:11-19.
10. Stone TH, Winslade WJ, Klugman CM. Sex offenders, sentencing laws and pharmaceutical treatment: a prescription for failure. Behav Sci Law 2000;18:83-110.
11. Freund K. Therapeutic sex drive reduction. Acta Psychiatr Scand Suppl 1980;287:5-38.
12. Rosler A, Witztum E. Pharmacotherapy of paraphilias in the next millennium. Behav Sci Law 2000;18:43-56.
13. Winslade W, Stone TH, Smith-Bell M, Webb DM. Castrating pedophiles convicted of sex offenses against children: new treatment or old punishment? SMU Law Rev 1998;51:349-411.
14. Power DJ. Paedophilia. Practitioner 1977;218:805-11.
Regression, depression, and the facts of life
HISTORY: New school, old problems
Mr. E, age 13, was diagnosed with Down syndrome at birth and has mild mental retardation and bilateral sensorineural hearing loss. His pediatrician referred him to our child and adolescent psychiatry clinic for regressed behavior, depression, and apparent psychotic symptoms. He was also having problems sleeping and had begun puberty 8 months earlier.
Five months before referral, Mr. E had graduated from a small elementary school, where he was fully mainstreamed, to a large junior high school, where he spent most of the school day in a functional skills class. About that time, Mr. E began exhibiting nocturnal and daytime enuresis, loss of previously mastered skills, intolerance of novelty and change, and separation difficulty. Although toilet trained at age 7, he started having “accidents” at home, school, and elsewhere. He was reluctant to dress himself, and he resisted going to school.
The youth also talked to himself often and appeared to respond to internal stimuli. He “relived” conversations aloud, described imaginary friends to family and teachers, and spoke to a stuffed dog called Goofy. He would sit and stare into space for up to a half-hour, appearing preoccupied. Family members said he had exhibited these behaviors in grade school but until now appeared to have “outgrown” them.
Once sociable, Mr. E had become increasingly moody, negativistic, and isolative. He spent hours alone in his room. His mother, with whom he was close, reported that he was often angry with her for no apparent reason.
With puberty, his mother noted, Mr. E had begun kissing other developmentally disabled children. He also masturbated, but at his parents’ urging he restricted this activity to his room.
On evaluation, Mr. E was pleasant and outgoing. He had the facial dysmorphia and stature typical of Down syndrome. He smiled often and interacted well, and he attended and adapted to transitions in conversation and activities. His speech was dysarthric (with hyperglossia) and telegraphic; he could speak only four- to five-word sentences.
Was Mr. E exhibiting an adjustment reaction, depression, or a normal developmental response to puberty? Do his psychotic symptoms signal onset of schizophrenia?
Dr. Krassner’s and Kraus’ observations
Because Down syndrome is the most common genetic cause of mental retardation—seen in approximately 1 in 1,000 live births1—pediatricians and child psychiatrists see this disorder fairly frequently.
Regression, a form of coping exhibited by many children, is extremely common in youths with Down syndrome2 and often has a definite—though sometimes unclear—precipitant. We felt Mr. E’s move from a highly responsive, familiar school environment to a far less responsive one that accentuated his differences contributed to many of his symptoms.
Psychosis is less common in Down syndrome than in other developmental disabilities.2 Schizophrenia may occur, but diagnosis is complicated by cognition impairments, test-taking skills, and—in Mr. E’s case—inability to describe disordered thoughts or hallucinations due to poor language skills.3
Self-talk is common in Down syndrome and might be mistaken for psychosis. Note that despite his chronologic age, Mr. E is developmentally a 6-year-old, and self-talk and imaginary friends are considered normal behaviors for a child that age. What’s more, the stress of changing schools may have further compromised his developmental skills.
The FDA’s recent advisory about reports of increased suicidality in youths taking selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) and other antidepressants for major depressive disorder during clinical trials has raised questions about using these agents in children and adolescents. Until more data become available, however, SSRIs remain the preferred drug therapy for pediatric depression.
- Based on our experience, we recommend citalopram, escitalopram, fluoxetine, and sertraline as first-line medications for pediatric depression because their side effects are relatively benign. The reported link between increased risk of suicidal ideation and behavior and use of paroxetine in pediatric patients has not been clearly established, so we cannot extrapolate that possible risk to other SSRIs.
- Newer antidepressants should be considered with caution in pediatric patients. Bupropion is contraindicated in patients with a history of seizures, bulimia, or anorexia. Mirtazapine is extremely sedating, with side effects such as weight gain and, in rare cases, agranulocytosis. Nefazodone comes with a “black box” warning for risk of liver toxicity. Trazodone is also sedating and carries a risk of priapism in boys.
- Older antidepressants, such as tricyclics, require extreme caution before prescribing to children and adolescents. Tricyclics, with their cardiac side effects, are not recommended for patients with Down syndrome, many of whom have cardiac pathology.
By contrast, depression is fairly common in Down syndrome, although it is much less prevalent in children than in adults with the developmental disorder.2
Finally, children with Down syndrome often enter puberty early, but without the cognitive or emotional maturity or knowledge to deal with the physiologic changes of adolescence.3 Parents often are reluctant to recognize their developmentally disabled child’s sexuality or are uncomfortable providing sexuality education.4 Mr. E’s parents clearly were unconvinced that his sexual behavior was normal for an adolescent.
TREATMENT Antidepressants lead to improvement
We felt Mr. E regressed secondary to emotional stress caused by switching schools. We viewed his psychotic symptoms as part of an adjustment disorder and attributed most of his other symptoms to depression. We anticipated Mr. E’s psychotic symptoms would remit spontaneously and focused on treating his mood and sleep disturbances.
We prescribed sertraline liquid suspension, 10 mg/d titrated across 3 weeks to 40 mg/d. We based our medication choice on clinical experience, mindful of a recent FDA advisory about the use of antidepressants in pediatric patients (Box 1). Also, the liquid suspension is easier to titrate than the tablet form, and we feared Mr. E might have trouble swallowing a tablet.
Mr. E’s mood and sociability improved after 3 to 4 weeks. Within 6 weeks, he regained some of his previously mastered daily activities. We added zolpidem, 10 mg nightly, to address his sleeping difficulties but discontinued the agent after 2 weeks, when his sleep patterns normalized.
At 2, 4, and 6 weeks, Mr. E was pleasant and cooperative, his thinking less concrete, and his speech more intelligible. His parents reported he was happier and more involved with family activities. At his mother’s request, sertraline was changed to 37.5 mg/d in tablet form. The patient remained stable for another month, during which his self-talk, though decreased, continued.
Two weeks later, Mr. E’s mother reported that, during a routine dermatologic examination for a chronic, presacral rash, the dermatologist noticed strategic shaving on the boy’s thighs, calves, and scrotum. Strategic shaving has been reported among sexually active youths as a means of purportedly increasing their sexual pleasure.
The dermatologist then told Mr. E’s mother that her son likely was sexually molested. Based on the boy’s differential rates of pubic hair growth, the doctor suspected that the molestation was chronic, dating back at least 3 months and probably continuing until the week before the examination. Upon hearing this, Mr. E’s parents were stunned and angry.
What behavioral signs might have suggested sexual abuse? How do the dermatologist’s findings alter diagnosis and treatment?
Dr. Krassner’s and Kraus’ observations
Given the dermatologist’s findings, Mr. E’s parents asked us whether their son’s presenting psychiatric symptoms were manifestations of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD).
Until now, explaining Mr. E’s symptoms as a reaction to changing schools seemed plausible. His symptoms were improving with treatment, and his sexual behaviors and interest in sexual topics were physiologically normal for his chronologic age. Despite his earlier pubertal experimentations, nothing in his psychosocial history indicated risk for sexual abuse or exploitation.
Still, children with Down syndrome are at higher risk for sexual exploitation than other children,4 so the possibility should have been explored with the parents. Psychiatrists should watch for physical signs of sexual abuse in these patients during the first examination (Box 2).4
But how is sexual abuse defined in this case? Deficient language skills prevented Mr. E from describing what happened to him, so determining whether he initiated sexual relations and with whom is nearly impossible. The act clearly could be considered abuse if Mr. E had been with an adult or older child—even if Mr. E consented. However, if Mr. E had initiated contact with another mentally retarded child, then cause, blame, and semantics become unclear. Either way, the incident could have caused PTSD.5
Diagnosing PTSD in non- or semi-verbal or retarded children is extremely difficult.6,7 Unlike adults with PTSD, pre-verbal children might not have recurrent, distressing recollections of the trauma, but symbolic displacement may characterize repetitive play, during which themes are expressed.8
Scheeringa et al have recommended PTSD criteria for preschool children, including:
- social withdrawal
- extreme temper tantrums
- loss of developmental skills
- new separation anxiety
- new onset of aggression
- new fears without obvious links to the trauma.5,6
Treating PTSD in children with developmental disabilities is also difficult. Modalities applicable to adults or mainstream children—such as psychodynamic psychotherapy, cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT), exposure therapy, and medications—often do not help developmentally disabled children. For example, Mr. E lacks the cognitive apparatus to respond to CBT.
On the other hand, behavioral therapy, reducing risk factors, minimizing dissociative triggers, and educating patients, parents, friends, and teachers about PTSD can help patients such as Mr. E.5 Attempting to provide structure and maintain routines is a cornerstone of any intervention.
- Aggression
- Anxiety
- Behavior, learning problems at school
- Depression
- Heightened somatic concerns
- Sexualized behavior
- Sleep disturbance
- Withdrawal
FURTHER TREATMENT A family in turmoil
We addressed Mr. E’s symptoms as PTSD-related, though his poor language skills kept us from identifying a trauma. Based on data regarding pediatric PTSD treatment,9 we increased sertraline to 50 mg/d and then to 75 mg/d across 2 weeks.
However, an intense legal investigation brought on by the parents, combined with ensuing tumult within the family, worsened Mr. E’s symptoms. His self-talk became more pronounced and his isolative behavior reappeared, suggesting that the intrusive, repetitive questioning caused him to re-experience the trauma.
We again increased sertraline, to 100 mg/d, and offered supportive therapy to Mr. E. We tried to educate his parents about understanding his symptoms and managing his behavior and strongly recommended that they undergo crisis therapy to keep their reactions and emotions from hurting Mr. E. The parents declined, however, and alleged that we did not adequately support their pursuit of a diagnosis or legal action, which for them had become synonymous with treatment.
Mr. E’s mother brought her son to a psychologist, who engaged him in play therapy. She followed her son around, noting everything he said. All the while, she failed to resolve her guilt and anger. When we explained to her that these actions were hurting Mr. E’s progress, she terminated therapy.
How would you have tried to keep Mr. E’s family in therapy?
Dr. Krassner’s and Kraus’ observations
Treating psychopathology in children carries the risk of strained relations with the patient’s family. The risk increases exponentially for developmentally disabled children, as they have little or no input and their parents are exquisitely sensitive to their needs. Further, the revelation that the parents might have somehow failed to avert or anticipate danger to the child complicates their emotional response.
Although the child is the patient, the parent is the consumer. Failure to gain or keep the parents’ confidence will hinder or destroy therapy.
We might have protected our working relationship with Mr. E’s parents by recognizing how fragile they were and how intensely they would react to any constructive criticism. Paradoxically, for the short-term we could have tolerated their detrimental behaviors toward Mr. E (such as repeated questioning) in the hopes of protecting a long-term relationship. Spending more time exploring the guilt, anger, and confusion that tormented Mr. E’s parents—particularly his mother—also might have helped.
Related resources
- Ryan RM. Recognition of psychosis in persons who do not use spoken communication. In: Ancill RJ, Holliday S, Higenbottam J (eds). Schizophrenia: exploring the spectrum of psychosis. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1994.
Drug brand names
- Bupropion • Wellbutrin
- Citalopram • Celexa
- Escitalopram • Lexapro
- Fluoxetine • Prozac
- Mirtazapine • Remeron
- Nefazodone • Serzone
- Paroxetine • Paxil
- Sertraline • Zoloft
- Trazodone • Desyrel
- Venlafaxine • Effexor
- Zolpidem • Ambien
1. Pueschel S. Children with Down syndrome. In: Levine M, Carey W, Crocker A, Gross R (eds). Developmental-behavioral pediatrics. Philadelphia: WB Saunders, 1983.
2. Hodapp RM. Down syndrome: developmental, psychiatric, and management issues. Child Adolesc Psychiatr Clin North Am 1996;5:881-94.
3. Feinstein C, Reiss AL. Psychiatric disorder in mentally retarded children and adolescents. Child Adolesc Psychiatr Clin North Am 1996;5:827-52.
4. Wilgosh L. Sexual abuse of children with disabilities: intervention and treatment issues for parents. Developmental Disabil Bull. Available at: http://www.ualberta.ca/~jpdasddc/bulletin/articles/wilgosh1993.html. Accessed Nov. 10, 2003.
5. Ryan RM. Posttraumatic stress disorder in persons with developmental disabilities. Community Health J 1994;30:45-54.
6. Scheeringa MS, Seanah CH, Myers L, Putnam FW. New findings on alternative criteria for PTSD in preschool children. J Am Acad Child Adolesc Psychiatry 2003;42:561-70.
7. Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (4th ed-text revision). Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association, 2000.
8. Lonigan CJ, Phillips BM, Richey JA. Posttraumatic stress disorder in children: diagnosis, assessment, and associated features. Child Adolesc Psychiatr Clin North Am 2003;12:171-94.
9. Donnelly CL. Pharmacological treatment approaches for children and adolescents with posttraumatic stress disorder. Child Adolesc Psychiatr Clin North Am 2003;12:251-69.
HISTORY: New school, old problems
Mr. E, age 13, was diagnosed with Down syndrome at birth and has mild mental retardation and bilateral sensorineural hearing loss. His pediatrician referred him to our child and adolescent psychiatry clinic for regressed behavior, depression, and apparent psychotic symptoms. He was also having problems sleeping and had begun puberty 8 months earlier.
Five months before referral, Mr. E had graduated from a small elementary school, where he was fully mainstreamed, to a large junior high school, where he spent most of the school day in a functional skills class. About that time, Mr. E began exhibiting nocturnal and daytime enuresis, loss of previously mastered skills, intolerance of novelty and change, and separation difficulty. Although toilet trained at age 7, he started having “accidents” at home, school, and elsewhere. He was reluctant to dress himself, and he resisted going to school.
The youth also talked to himself often and appeared to respond to internal stimuli. He “relived” conversations aloud, described imaginary friends to family and teachers, and spoke to a stuffed dog called Goofy. He would sit and stare into space for up to a half-hour, appearing preoccupied. Family members said he had exhibited these behaviors in grade school but until now appeared to have “outgrown” them.
Once sociable, Mr. E had become increasingly moody, negativistic, and isolative. He spent hours alone in his room. His mother, with whom he was close, reported that he was often angry with her for no apparent reason.
With puberty, his mother noted, Mr. E had begun kissing other developmentally disabled children. He also masturbated, but at his parents’ urging he restricted this activity to his room.
On evaluation, Mr. E was pleasant and outgoing. He had the facial dysmorphia and stature typical of Down syndrome. He smiled often and interacted well, and he attended and adapted to transitions in conversation and activities. His speech was dysarthric (with hyperglossia) and telegraphic; he could speak only four- to five-word sentences.
Was Mr. E exhibiting an adjustment reaction, depression, or a normal developmental response to puberty? Do his psychotic symptoms signal onset of schizophrenia?
Dr. Krassner’s and Kraus’ observations
Because Down syndrome is the most common genetic cause of mental retardation—seen in approximately 1 in 1,000 live births1—pediatricians and child psychiatrists see this disorder fairly frequently.
Regression, a form of coping exhibited by many children, is extremely common in youths with Down syndrome2 and often has a definite—though sometimes unclear—precipitant. We felt Mr. E’s move from a highly responsive, familiar school environment to a far less responsive one that accentuated his differences contributed to many of his symptoms.
Psychosis is less common in Down syndrome than in other developmental disabilities.2 Schizophrenia may occur, but diagnosis is complicated by cognition impairments, test-taking skills, and—in Mr. E’s case—inability to describe disordered thoughts or hallucinations due to poor language skills.3
Self-talk is common in Down syndrome and might be mistaken for psychosis. Note that despite his chronologic age, Mr. E is developmentally a 6-year-old, and self-talk and imaginary friends are considered normal behaviors for a child that age. What’s more, the stress of changing schools may have further compromised his developmental skills.
The FDA’s recent advisory about reports of increased suicidality in youths taking selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) and other antidepressants for major depressive disorder during clinical trials has raised questions about using these agents in children and adolescents. Until more data become available, however, SSRIs remain the preferred drug therapy for pediatric depression.
- Based on our experience, we recommend citalopram, escitalopram, fluoxetine, and sertraline as first-line medications for pediatric depression because their side effects are relatively benign. The reported link between increased risk of suicidal ideation and behavior and use of paroxetine in pediatric patients has not been clearly established, so we cannot extrapolate that possible risk to other SSRIs.
- Newer antidepressants should be considered with caution in pediatric patients. Bupropion is contraindicated in patients with a history of seizures, bulimia, or anorexia. Mirtazapine is extremely sedating, with side effects such as weight gain and, in rare cases, agranulocytosis. Nefazodone comes with a “black box” warning for risk of liver toxicity. Trazodone is also sedating and carries a risk of priapism in boys.
- Older antidepressants, such as tricyclics, require extreme caution before prescribing to children and adolescents. Tricyclics, with their cardiac side effects, are not recommended for patients with Down syndrome, many of whom have cardiac pathology.
By contrast, depression is fairly common in Down syndrome, although it is much less prevalent in children than in adults with the developmental disorder.2
Finally, children with Down syndrome often enter puberty early, but without the cognitive or emotional maturity or knowledge to deal with the physiologic changes of adolescence.3 Parents often are reluctant to recognize their developmentally disabled child’s sexuality or are uncomfortable providing sexuality education.4 Mr. E’s parents clearly were unconvinced that his sexual behavior was normal for an adolescent.
TREATMENT Antidepressants lead to improvement
We felt Mr. E regressed secondary to emotional stress caused by switching schools. We viewed his psychotic symptoms as part of an adjustment disorder and attributed most of his other symptoms to depression. We anticipated Mr. E’s psychotic symptoms would remit spontaneously and focused on treating his mood and sleep disturbances.
We prescribed sertraline liquid suspension, 10 mg/d titrated across 3 weeks to 40 mg/d. We based our medication choice on clinical experience, mindful of a recent FDA advisory about the use of antidepressants in pediatric patients (Box 1). Also, the liquid suspension is easier to titrate than the tablet form, and we feared Mr. E might have trouble swallowing a tablet.
Mr. E’s mood and sociability improved after 3 to 4 weeks. Within 6 weeks, he regained some of his previously mastered daily activities. We added zolpidem, 10 mg nightly, to address his sleeping difficulties but discontinued the agent after 2 weeks, when his sleep patterns normalized.
At 2, 4, and 6 weeks, Mr. E was pleasant and cooperative, his thinking less concrete, and his speech more intelligible. His parents reported he was happier and more involved with family activities. At his mother’s request, sertraline was changed to 37.5 mg/d in tablet form. The patient remained stable for another month, during which his self-talk, though decreased, continued.
Two weeks later, Mr. E’s mother reported that, during a routine dermatologic examination for a chronic, presacral rash, the dermatologist noticed strategic shaving on the boy’s thighs, calves, and scrotum. Strategic shaving has been reported among sexually active youths as a means of purportedly increasing their sexual pleasure.
The dermatologist then told Mr. E’s mother that her son likely was sexually molested. Based on the boy’s differential rates of pubic hair growth, the doctor suspected that the molestation was chronic, dating back at least 3 months and probably continuing until the week before the examination. Upon hearing this, Mr. E’s parents were stunned and angry.
What behavioral signs might have suggested sexual abuse? How do the dermatologist’s findings alter diagnosis and treatment?
Dr. Krassner’s and Kraus’ observations
Given the dermatologist’s findings, Mr. E’s parents asked us whether their son’s presenting psychiatric symptoms were manifestations of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD).
Until now, explaining Mr. E’s symptoms as a reaction to changing schools seemed plausible. His symptoms were improving with treatment, and his sexual behaviors and interest in sexual topics were physiologically normal for his chronologic age. Despite his earlier pubertal experimentations, nothing in his psychosocial history indicated risk for sexual abuse or exploitation.
Still, children with Down syndrome are at higher risk for sexual exploitation than other children,4 so the possibility should have been explored with the parents. Psychiatrists should watch for physical signs of sexual abuse in these patients during the first examination (Box 2).4
But how is sexual abuse defined in this case? Deficient language skills prevented Mr. E from describing what happened to him, so determining whether he initiated sexual relations and with whom is nearly impossible. The act clearly could be considered abuse if Mr. E had been with an adult or older child—even if Mr. E consented. However, if Mr. E had initiated contact with another mentally retarded child, then cause, blame, and semantics become unclear. Either way, the incident could have caused PTSD.5
Diagnosing PTSD in non- or semi-verbal or retarded children is extremely difficult.6,7 Unlike adults with PTSD, pre-verbal children might not have recurrent, distressing recollections of the trauma, but symbolic displacement may characterize repetitive play, during which themes are expressed.8
Scheeringa et al have recommended PTSD criteria for preschool children, including:
- social withdrawal
- extreme temper tantrums
- loss of developmental skills
- new separation anxiety
- new onset of aggression
- new fears without obvious links to the trauma.5,6
Treating PTSD in children with developmental disabilities is also difficult. Modalities applicable to adults or mainstream children—such as psychodynamic psychotherapy, cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT), exposure therapy, and medications—often do not help developmentally disabled children. For example, Mr. E lacks the cognitive apparatus to respond to CBT.
On the other hand, behavioral therapy, reducing risk factors, minimizing dissociative triggers, and educating patients, parents, friends, and teachers about PTSD can help patients such as Mr. E.5 Attempting to provide structure and maintain routines is a cornerstone of any intervention.
- Aggression
- Anxiety
- Behavior, learning problems at school
- Depression
- Heightened somatic concerns
- Sexualized behavior
- Sleep disturbance
- Withdrawal
FURTHER TREATMENT A family in turmoil
We addressed Mr. E’s symptoms as PTSD-related, though his poor language skills kept us from identifying a trauma. Based on data regarding pediatric PTSD treatment,9 we increased sertraline to 50 mg/d and then to 75 mg/d across 2 weeks.
However, an intense legal investigation brought on by the parents, combined with ensuing tumult within the family, worsened Mr. E’s symptoms. His self-talk became more pronounced and his isolative behavior reappeared, suggesting that the intrusive, repetitive questioning caused him to re-experience the trauma.
We again increased sertraline, to 100 mg/d, and offered supportive therapy to Mr. E. We tried to educate his parents about understanding his symptoms and managing his behavior and strongly recommended that they undergo crisis therapy to keep their reactions and emotions from hurting Mr. E. The parents declined, however, and alleged that we did not adequately support their pursuit of a diagnosis or legal action, which for them had become synonymous with treatment.
Mr. E’s mother brought her son to a psychologist, who engaged him in play therapy. She followed her son around, noting everything he said. All the while, she failed to resolve her guilt and anger. When we explained to her that these actions were hurting Mr. E’s progress, she terminated therapy.
How would you have tried to keep Mr. E’s family in therapy?
Dr. Krassner’s and Kraus’ observations
Treating psychopathology in children carries the risk of strained relations with the patient’s family. The risk increases exponentially for developmentally disabled children, as they have little or no input and their parents are exquisitely sensitive to their needs. Further, the revelation that the parents might have somehow failed to avert or anticipate danger to the child complicates their emotional response.
Although the child is the patient, the parent is the consumer. Failure to gain or keep the parents’ confidence will hinder or destroy therapy.
We might have protected our working relationship with Mr. E’s parents by recognizing how fragile they were and how intensely they would react to any constructive criticism. Paradoxically, for the short-term we could have tolerated their detrimental behaviors toward Mr. E (such as repeated questioning) in the hopes of protecting a long-term relationship. Spending more time exploring the guilt, anger, and confusion that tormented Mr. E’s parents—particularly his mother—also might have helped.
Related resources
- Ryan RM. Recognition of psychosis in persons who do not use spoken communication. In: Ancill RJ, Holliday S, Higenbottam J (eds). Schizophrenia: exploring the spectrum of psychosis. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1994.
Drug brand names
- Bupropion • Wellbutrin
- Citalopram • Celexa
- Escitalopram • Lexapro
- Fluoxetine • Prozac
- Mirtazapine • Remeron
- Nefazodone • Serzone
- Paroxetine • Paxil
- Sertraline • Zoloft
- Trazodone • Desyrel
- Venlafaxine • Effexor
- Zolpidem • Ambien
HISTORY: New school, old problems
Mr. E, age 13, was diagnosed with Down syndrome at birth and has mild mental retardation and bilateral sensorineural hearing loss. His pediatrician referred him to our child and adolescent psychiatry clinic for regressed behavior, depression, and apparent psychotic symptoms. He was also having problems sleeping and had begun puberty 8 months earlier.
Five months before referral, Mr. E had graduated from a small elementary school, where he was fully mainstreamed, to a large junior high school, where he spent most of the school day in a functional skills class. About that time, Mr. E began exhibiting nocturnal and daytime enuresis, loss of previously mastered skills, intolerance of novelty and change, and separation difficulty. Although toilet trained at age 7, he started having “accidents” at home, school, and elsewhere. He was reluctant to dress himself, and he resisted going to school.
The youth also talked to himself often and appeared to respond to internal stimuli. He “relived” conversations aloud, described imaginary friends to family and teachers, and spoke to a stuffed dog called Goofy. He would sit and stare into space for up to a half-hour, appearing preoccupied. Family members said he had exhibited these behaviors in grade school but until now appeared to have “outgrown” them.
Once sociable, Mr. E had become increasingly moody, negativistic, and isolative. He spent hours alone in his room. His mother, with whom he was close, reported that he was often angry with her for no apparent reason.
With puberty, his mother noted, Mr. E had begun kissing other developmentally disabled children. He also masturbated, but at his parents’ urging he restricted this activity to his room.
On evaluation, Mr. E was pleasant and outgoing. He had the facial dysmorphia and stature typical of Down syndrome. He smiled often and interacted well, and he attended and adapted to transitions in conversation and activities. His speech was dysarthric (with hyperglossia) and telegraphic; he could speak only four- to five-word sentences.
Was Mr. E exhibiting an adjustment reaction, depression, or a normal developmental response to puberty? Do his psychotic symptoms signal onset of schizophrenia?
Dr. Krassner’s and Kraus’ observations
Because Down syndrome is the most common genetic cause of mental retardation—seen in approximately 1 in 1,000 live births1—pediatricians and child psychiatrists see this disorder fairly frequently.
Regression, a form of coping exhibited by many children, is extremely common in youths with Down syndrome2 and often has a definite—though sometimes unclear—precipitant. We felt Mr. E’s move from a highly responsive, familiar school environment to a far less responsive one that accentuated his differences contributed to many of his symptoms.
Psychosis is less common in Down syndrome than in other developmental disabilities.2 Schizophrenia may occur, but diagnosis is complicated by cognition impairments, test-taking skills, and—in Mr. E’s case—inability to describe disordered thoughts or hallucinations due to poor language skills.3
Self-talk is common in Down syndrome and might be mistaken for psychosis. Note that despite his chronologic age, Mr. E is developmentally a 6-year-old, and self-talk and imaginary friends are considered normal behaviors for a child that age. What’s more, the stress of changing schools may have further compromised his developmental skills.
The FDA’s recent advisory about reports of increased suicidality in youths taking selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) and other antidepressants for major depressive disorder during clinical trials has raised questions about using these agents in children and adolescents. Until more data become available, however, SSRIs remain the preferred drug therapy for pediatric depression.
- Based on our experience, we recommend citalopram, escitalopram, fluoxetine, and sertraline as first-line medications for pediatric depression because their side effects are relatively benign. The reported link between increased risk of suicidal ideation and behavior and use of paroxetine in pediatric patients has not been clearly established, so we cannot extrapolate that possible risk to other SSRIs.
- Newer antidepressants should be considered with caution in pediatric patients. Bupropion is contraindicated in patients with a history of seizures, bulimia, or anorexia. Mirtazapine is extremely sedating, with side effects such as weight gain and, in rare cases, agranulocytosis. Nefazodone comes with a “black box” warning for risk of liver toxicity. Trazodone is also sedating and carries a risk of priapism in boys.
- Older antidepressants, such as tricyclics, require extreme caution before prescribing to children and adolescents. Tricyclics, with their cardiac side effects, are not recommended for patients with Down syndrome, many of whom have cardiac pathology.
By contrast, depression is fairly common in Down syndrome, although it is much less prevalent in children than in adults with the developmental disorder.2
Finally, children with Down syndrome often enter puberty early, but without the cognitive or emotional maturity or knowledge to deal with the physiologic changes of adolescence.3 Parents often are reluctant to recognize their developmentally disabled child’s sexuality or are uncomfortable providing sexuality education.4 Mr. E’s parents clearly were unconvinced that his sexual behavior was normal for an adolescent.
TREATMENT Antidepressants lead to improvement
We felt Mr. E regressed secondary to emotional stress caused by switching schools. We viewed his psychotic symptoms as part of an adjustment disorder and attributed most of his other symptoms to depression. We anticipated Mr. E’s psychotic symptoms would remit spontaneously and focused on treating his mood and sleep disturbances.
We prescribed sertraline liquid suspension, 10 mg/d titrated across 3 weeks to 40 mg/d. We based our medication choice on clinical experience, mindful of a recent FDA advisory about the use of antidepressants in pediatric patients (Box 1). Also, the liquid suspension is easier to titrate than the tablet form, and we feared Mr. E might have trouble swallowing a tablet.
Mr. E’s mood and sociability improved after 3 to 4 weeks. Within 6 weeks, he regained some of his previously mastered daily activities. We added zolpidem, 10 mg nightly, to address his sleeping difficulties but discontinued the agent after 2 weeks, when his sleep patterns normalized.
At 2, 4, and 6 weeks, Mr. E was pleasant and cooperative, his thinking less concrete, and his speech more intelligible. His parents reported he was happier and more involved with family activities. At his mother’s request, sertraline was changed to 37.5 mg/d in tablet form. The patient remained stable for another month, during which his self-talk, though decreased, continued.
Two weeks later, Mr. E’s mother reported that, during a routine dermatologic examination for a chronic, presacral rash, the dermatologist noticed strategic shaving on the boy’s thighs, calves, and scrotum. Strategic shaving has been reported among sexually active youths as a means of purportedly increasing their sexual pleasure.
The dermatologist then told Mr. E’s mother that her son likely was sexually molested. Based on the boy’s differential rates of pubic hair growth, the doctor suspected that the molestation was chronic, dating back at least 3 months and probably continuing until the week before the examination. Upon hearing this, Mr. E’s parents were stunned and angry.
What behavioral signs might have suggested sexual abuse? How do the dermatologist’s findings alter diagnosis and treatment?
Dr. Krassner’s and Kraus’ observations
Given the dermatologist’s findings, Mr. E’s parents asked us whether their son’s presenting psychiatric symptoms were manifestations of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD).
Until now, explaining Mr. E’s symptoms as a reaction to changing schools seemed plausible. His symptoms were improving with treatment, and his sexual behaviors and interest in sexual topics were physiologically normal for his chronologic age. Despite his earlier pubertal experimentations, nothing in his psychosocial history indicated risk for sexual abuse or exploitation.
Still, children with Down syndrome are at higher risk for sexual exploitation than other children,4 so the possibility should have been explored with the parents. Psychiatrists should watch for physical signs of sexual abuse in these patients during the first examination (Box 2).4
But how is sexual abuse defined in this case? Deficient language skills prevented Mr. E from describing what happened to him, so determining whether he initiated sexual relations and with whom is nearly impossible. The act clearly could be considered abuse if Mr. E had been with an adult or older child—even if Mr. E consented. However, if Mr. E had initiated contact with another mentally retarded child, then cause, blame, and semantics become unclear. Either way, the incident could have caused PTSD.5
Diagnosing PTSD in non- or semi-verbal or retarded children is extremely difficult.6,7 Unlike adults with PTSD, pre-verbal children might not have recurrent, distressing recollections of the trauma, but symbolic displacement may characterize repetitive play, during which themes are expressed.8
Scheeringa et al have recommended PTSD criteria for preschool children, including:
- social withdrawal
- extreme temper tantrums
- loss of developmental skills
- new separation anxiety
- new onset of aggression
- new fears without obvious links to the trauma.5,6
Treating PTSD in children with developmental disabilities is also difficult. Modalities applicable to adults or mainstream children—such as psychodynamic psychotherapy, cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT), exposure therapy, and medications—often do not help developmentally disabled children. For example, Mr. E lacks the cognitive apparatus to respond to CBT.
On the other hand, behavioral therapy, reducing risk factors, minimizing dissociative triggers, and educating patients, parents, friends, and teachers about PTSD can help patients such as Mr. E.5 Attempting to provide structure and maintain routines is a cornerstone of any intervention.
- Aggression
- Anxiety
- Behavior, learning problems at school
- Depression
- Heightened somatic concerns
- Sexualized behavior
- Sleep disturbance
- Withdrawal
FURTHER TREATMENT A family in turmoil
We addressed Mr. E’s symptoms as PTSD-related, though his poor language skills kept us from identifying a trauma. Based on data regarding pediatric PTSD treatment,9 we increased sertraline to 50 mg/d and then to 75 mg/d across 2 weeks.
However, an intense legal investigation brought on by the parents, combined with ensuing tumult within the family, worsened Mr. E’s symptoms. His self-talk became more pronounced and his isolative behavior reappeared, suggesting that the intrusive, repetitive questioning caused him to re-experience the trauma.
We again increased sertraline, to 100 mg/d, and offered supportive therapy to Mr. E. We tried to educate his parents about understanding his symptoms and managing his behavior and strongly recommended that they undergo crisis therapy to keep their reactions and emotions from hurting Mr. E. The parents declined, however, and alleged that we did not adequately support their pursuit of a diagnosis or legal action, which for them had become synonymous with treatment.
Mr. E’s mother brought her son to a psychologist, who engaged him in play therapy. She followed her son around, noting everything he said. All the while, she failed to resolve her guilt and anger. When we explained to her that these actions were hurting Mr. E’s progress, she terminated therapy.
How would you have tried to keep Mr. E’s family in therapy?
Dr. Krassner’s and Kraus’ observations
Treating psychopathology in children carries the risk of strained relations with the patient’s family. The risk increases exponentially for developmentally disabled children, as they have little or no input and their parents are exquisitely sensitive to their needs. Further, the revelation that the parents might have somehow failed to avert or anticipate danger to the child complicates their emotional response.
Although the child is the patient, the parent is the consumer. Failure to gain or keep the parents’ confidence will hinder or destroy therapy.
We might have protected our working relationship with Mr. E’s parents by recognizing how fragile they were and how intensely they would react to any constructive criticism. Paradoxically, for the short-term we could have tolerated their detrimental behaviors toward Mr. E (such as repeated questioning) in the hopes of protecting a long-term relationship. Spending more time exploring the guilt, anger, and confusion that tormented Mr. E’s parents—particularly his mother—also might have helped.
Related resources
- Ryan RM. Recognition of psychosis in persons who do not use spoken communication. In: Ancill RJ, Holliday S, Higenbottam J (eds). Schizophrenia: exploring the spectrum of psychosis. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1994.
Drug brand names
- Bupropion • Wellbutrin
- Citalopram • Celexa
- Escitalopram • Lexapro
- Fluoxetine • Prozac
- Mirtazapine • Remeron
- Nefazodone • Serzone
- Paroxetine • Paxil
- Sertraline • Zoloft
- Trazodone • Desyrel
- Venlafaxine • Effexor
- Zolpidem • Ambien
1. Pueschel S. Children with Down syndrome. In: Levine M, Carey W, Crocker A, Gross R (eds). Developmental-behavioral pediatrics. Philadelphia: WB Saunders, 1983.
2. Hodapp RM. Down syndrome: developmental, psychiatric, and management issues. Child Adolesc Psychiatr Clin North Am 1996;5:881-94.
3. Feinstein C, Reiss AL. Psychiatric disorder in mentally retarded children and adolescents. Child Adolesc Psychiatr Clin North Am 1996;5:827-52.
4. Wilgosh L. Sexual abuse of children with disabilities: intervention and treatment issues for parents. Developmental Disabil Bull. Available at: http://www.ualberta.ca/~jpdasddc/bulletin/articles/wilgosh1993.html. Accessed Nov. 10, 2003.
5. Ryan RM. Posttraumatic stress disorder in persons with developmental disabilities. Community Health J 1994;30:45-54.
6. Scheeringa MS, Seanah CH, Myers L, Putnam FW. New findings on alternative criteria for PTSD in preschool children. J Am Acad Child Adolesc Psychiatry 2003;42:561-70.
7. Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (4th ed-text revision). Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association, 2000.
8. Lonigan CJ, Phillips BM, Richey JA. Posttraumatic stress disorder in children: diagnosis, assessment, and associated features. Child Adolesc Psychiatr Clin North Am 2003;12:171-94.
9. Donnelly CL. Pharmacological treatment approaches for children and adolescents with posttraumatic stress disorder. Child Adolesc Psychiatr Clin North Am 2003;12:251-69.
1. Pueschel S. Children with Down syndrome. In: Levine M, Carey W, Crocker A, Gross R (eds). Developmental-behavioral pediatrics. Philadelphia: WB Saunders, 1983.
2. Hodapp RM. Down syndrome: developmental, psychiatric, and management issues. Child Adolesc Psychiatr Clin North Am 1996;5:881-94.
3. Feinstein C, Reiss AL. Psychiatric disorder in mentally retarded children and adolescents. Child Adolesc Psychiatr Clin North Am 1996;5:827-52.
4. Wilgosh L. Sexual abuse of children with disabilities: intervention and treatment issues for parents. Developmental Disabil Bull. Available at: http://www.ualberta.ca/~jpdasddc/bulletin/articles/wilgosh1993.html. Accessed Nov. 10, 2003.
5. Ryan RM. Posttraumatic stress disorder in persons with developmental disabilities. Community Health J 1994;30:45-54.
6. Scheeringa MS, Seanah CH, Myers L, Putnam FW. New findings on alternative criteria for PTSD in preschool children. J Am Acad Child Adolesc Psychiatry 2003;42:561-70.
7. Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (4th ed-text revision). Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association, 2000.
8. Lonigan CJ, Phillips BM, Richey JA. Posttraumatic stress disorder in children: diagnosis, assessment, and associated features. Child Adolesc Psychiatr Clin North Am 2003;12:171-94.
9. Donnelly CL. Pharmacological treatment approaches for children and adolescents with posttraumatic stress disorder. Child Adolesc Psychiatr Clin North Am 2003;12:251-69.
When culture complicates treatment
History: Noncompliance and ‘resignation’
Mr. V, 43, has a history of diabetes. He was admitted to the hospital with altered mental status as manifested by confusion, fluctuating sensorium, and disorientation. His altered mental status was most likely caused by septicemia secondary to osteomyelitis from a right plantar foot ulcer that had become necrotic, tracking through the foot bones into the tibia and fibula.
An emergent amputation was performed of the right tibia and fibula approximately 15 cm distal to the patella, with intent to close the wound within 24 to 48 hours; Mr. V also was started on IV antibiotics. The patient, however, refused the closure procedure, stating that he had not been properly informed before the amputation and would not consent to another procedure until he could speak with his elder brothers.
The surgical team noted that Mr. V had signed the consent form before the amputation. The surgeons also feared that not closing the wound promptly could lead to reinfection, further limb loss, or even death.
The hospital’s psychiatric consultation service was asked to determine the patient’s mental capacity. It should be noted that Mr. V emigrated to the United States from a Laotian refugee camp 12 years prior to admission. He speaks only Hmong, the language of the Hmong people indigenous to Southeast Asia.
Mr. V was diagnosed 12 years ago with insulin-dependent diabetes mellitus and has been hospitalized numerous times for foot ulcers. His chart indicates that he has repeatedly disregarded doctors’ orders and has not performed proper foot hygiene.
Previous physicians and caregivers, however, were even more frustrated with the apparent attitude of resignation with which Mr. V has approached his diabetes. He seems to believe that his medical condition is causing his problems and that he cannot prevent diabetic sequelae. He has no history of mental disorders and to our knowledge had never received a psychiatric evaluation.
Why has Mr. V. not complied with diabetes treatment? Is he unable to understand the gravity of his condition?
Dr. Krassner’s observations
Noncompliance is a recurring theme in the treatment of Hmong patients,1-4 as is clinician frustration with their lack of compliance.5,6 This suggests that cultural differences that could have contributed to Mr. V’s noncompliance need to be examined before determining his mental state.
Approaching a culturally sensitive case with an open mind and a respectful attitude will increase the chances of a positive outcome and provide a valuable learning experience for the clinician. You might proceed as follows:
Question your assumptions. Some clinicians assume that psychiatry applies universally to any patient, regardless of cultural background. However, the categories psychiatry imposes on illnesses may not adequately describe an illness as a patient of a different culture experiences it.7-9
Find an interpreter—one who speaks the language and has a “lexicon for emotional experience” similar to the patient’s.10 In this case, we wanted an interpreter who not only spoke Hmong, but who understood the complexities of the animistic Hmong spirituality and could reconcile it with our empirically derived Western belief system.
Depending on a family member to translate can be problematic if that person cannot accurately explain the patient’s disorder, the need for treatment, or the implications of noncompliance. We found the ideal interpreter: a Hmong registered nurse. If you cannot find an interpreter of the same ethnicity as the patient, at least find one who speaks the same language.
Beware of misinterpretation. A patient from another culture who understands some English may not assign the same meaning to words or phrases that we do. For example, when a Hmong says yes, he or she means, “I am listening, and I respect what you’re saying.” In this way, “yes” can be mistaken for consent; noncompliance by Hmong patients can often be traced to this misinterpretation.11
Define “capacity” and its implications. Capacity is always assessed in the context of the question, “capacity to do what?” The context must be explicitly identified, because life decisions require varying levels of capacity. For example, elderly patients with dementia often lack capacity to manage their finances, but have capacity to resolve end-of-life issues (e.g., hospice placement, do-not-resuscitate requests).
For Mr. V, the question was whether he had capacity to refuse the second surgery. To have capacity to consent to or refuse a procedure, a patient must understand the procedure, its risks and benefits, and the risks and benefits of refusing the procedure. The patient also must not be vulnerable to coercion (e.g., by a family member).
Clearly, Mr. V understood the procedure based on his notions of health, illness, life, death, family, social structure, and other concepts.6,12,13 One might question whether a patient such as Mr. V is ever fully informed before giving consent. Even though he had signed a consent form for the amputation, the signature in his eyes did not qualify as consent. Further, having read through our hospital’s consent form, I defy anyone to translate its legal subtleties into Hmong.
Perhaps even more important, the Hmong adhere to a strict social hierarchy: males are held in higher esteem than females, the elderly higher than the young.6,11,14 Therefore, Mr. V’s desire to ask his brothers for advice before consenting to surgery makes sense within his cultural norms and was not a stalling tactic as the surgeons believed.
Try to understand the patient’s concept of illness. We found Mr. V to have capacity within the confines of his medical understanding. He knew the operation was major surgery, and he wanted to consult with his elder brothers—all eight of them (most of whom live in Minneapolis)—prior to consenting. Conversely, the surgeons could think only within the confines of their cultural and clinical understanding. They wanted to perform the procedure expediently to avoid additional diabetic sequelae.
We discussed these concerns with the patient and surgeons and struck a compromise: the surgeons agreed to defer surgery for 10 days, as long as Mr. V indemnified them against complications secondary to the delay. After that, the surgery would be performed regardless of whether Mr. V had consulted his brothers. Mr. V also agreed to continue IV antibiotic therapy. This compliance is not paradoxical: the Hmong often accept antibiotics because of their relatively rapid efficacy.6
For clinicians wishing to understand the Hmong and their view of illness, Anne Fadiman’s The Spirit Catches You and You Fall Down is an excellent resource.6 Kleinman’s seminal work on treating patients from other cultures also emphasizes the importance of eliciting the patient’s understanding in order to diagnose and negotiate treatment.15 Several good textbooks address transcultural patient care; curiously, most are nursing rather than physician texts (see “Related resources,”).
Treatment: Recovery’s rocky road
Closure was delayed for 8 days, during which no complications arose. Mr. V tolerated the antibiotics well. He contracted a low-grade fever at times, but septicemia did not re-emerge.
We continued to follow the patient, who on several occasions became delirious. He was neither violent nor agitated, so he was not treated with neuroleptics, which can cause delirium in Hmong patients.3,4
The patient contacted his brothers and consented to closure surgery, after which he recuperated well for 3 days. On day four, however, he developed respiratory failure. He was resuscitated, intubated, and transferred to the intensive care unit. He was extubated and returned to the floor 24 hours later, at which time he appeared despondent. He exhibited depressed mood, blunted affect, anorexia, anhedonia, and minimal interaction with family or physicians.
Could a different approach to treatment have produced a more favorable response? Also, would you address Mr. V’s depression and, if so, how?
Dr. Krassner’s observations
One might argue that being culturally sensitive and exposing Mr. V to the risks of infection and respiratory distress was a poor medical judgment. This argument takes into account only the biological aspect of Mr. V’s illness, however. Viewed from a biopsychosocial perspective, Mr. V’s course, even with its vicissitudes, was not a “failure” in any sense. He consented to the procedure on his own terms. We identified roadblocks to treatment and unearthed cultural resources (in our case, the patient’s brothers) that could enhance or even replace traditional psychiatric treatments.
To treat Mr. V’s depression, we first assessed the symptoms. We then tried to understand how he experienced his illness within the context of his culture.8 Mr. V’s symptoms certainly implied depression, but in many Asian cultures, patients with depression often present with somatic complaints.1
Also, how were we to know that these symptoms were not due to what Asian cultures refer to as loss of vital energy—or qi—because his sadness and frustration compressed on his heart?1 In order to treat Mr. V’s depression, we must instead call it qi. Only then can we diagnose and treat the patient in a way that makes sense to him or her.15
Even arriving at a differential diagnosis is complicated. For example, if Mr. V were Chinese, we would have to include (in addition to our own narrowly defined depression and dysthymia): mên, depressed or troubled; fan-tsao, anxious or troubled; kan-huo, angry; and hsin-ching pu-hao, generalized, nonspecific emotional upset or bad spirits.15
Further treatment: From grave to grateful
Mr. V was started on sertraline, 50 mg/d, for symptoms of depression. He tolerated the agent well (no GI upset or other side effects). After only 1 week, he had a brighter affect and was more conversant. He expressed thanks for all we had done for him.
The remainder of his recovery was incident-free, and he was discharged 6 days later on sertraline, with psychiatric follow-up arranged with the county mental health services’ Southeast Asian Team.
- Giger JN, Davidhizar RE. Transcultural nursing: assessment & intervention (3rd ed). St. Louis: Mosby, 1999.
- Leininger M, McFarland M. Transcultural nursing: concepts, theories, research & practice (2nd ed). New York: McGraw-Hill, 1995.
- Spector RE. Cultural diversity in health & illness (5th ed). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall Health, 2000.
Author affiliations
David Krassner, MD, third-year resident in psychiatry, department of psychiatry, University of California at San Francisco-Fresno Residency Training Program, Fresno, CA.
Drug brand names
- Sertraline • Zoloft
1. Kirmayer LJ, Groleau D. Affective disorders in cultural context. Psychiatr Clin North Am 2001;24(3):465-78.
2. Kroll J, Linde P, Habernicht M, et al. Medication compliance, antidepressant blood levels, and side effects in Southeast Asian patients. J Clin Psychopharmacol 1990;10:279-83.
3. Lin KM. Biological differences in depression and anxiety across races and ethnic groups. J Clin Psychiatry 2001;62[suppl13]:13-19.
4. Lin KM, Smith MW, Ortiz V. Culture and psychopharmacology. Psychiatr Clin North Am 2001;24(3):523-38.
5. Culhane-Pera KA, Vawter DE. A study of healthcare professionals’ perspectives about a cross-cultural ethical conflict involving a Hmong patient and her family. J Clin Ethics 1998;9(2):179-90.
6. Fadiman A. The spirit catches you and you fall down. New York: The Noonday Press, 1997.
7. Kulhara P, Chakrabarti S. Culture and schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders. Psychiatr Clin North Am 2001;24(3):449-64.
8. Thakker J, Ward T. Culture and classification: the cross-cultural application of DSM-IV. Clin Psychol Rev 1998 Aug;18(5):501-29.
9. Thakker J, Ward T, Strongman KT. Mental disorder and cross-cultural psychology: a constructivist perspective. Clin Psychol Rev 1999 Nov;19(7):843-74.
10. Kirmayer LJ. Cultural variations in the clinical presentation of depression and anxiety: implications for diagnosis and treatment. J Clin Psychiatry 2001;62[suppl 13]:22-8.
11. Giger JN, Davidhizar RE. Transcultural nursing: assessment & intervention. (3rd ed). St. Louis: Mosby, 1999.
12. Kleinman A, Kunstadter P, et al. (eds) Culture and healing in Asian societies: anthropological, psychiatric, and public health studies. Cambridge, MA: Schenkman Publishing Co., 1978.
13. Spector RE. Cultural diversity in health & illness. (5th ed). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall Health, 2000.
14. Leininger M, McFarland M. Transcultural nursing: concepts, theories, research & practice. (2nd ed). New York: McGraw-Hill, 1995.
15. Kleinman A. Patients and healers in the context of culture: an exploration of the borderland between anthropology, medicine, and psychiatry. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1980.
History: Noncompliance and ‘resignation’
Mr. V, 43, has a history of diabetes. He was admitted to the hospital with altered mental status as manifested by confusion, fluctuating sensorium, and disorientation. His altered mental status was most likely caused by septicemia secondary to osteomyelitis from a right plantar foot ulcer that had become necrotic, tracking through the foot bones into the tibia and fibula.
An emergent amputation was performed of the right tibia and fibula approximately 15 cm distal to the patella, with intent to close the wound within 24 to 48 hours; Mr. V also was started on IV antibiotics. The patient, however, refused the closure procedure, stating that he had not been properly informed before the amputation and would not consent to another procedure until he could speak with his elder brothers.
The surgical team noted that Mr. V had signed the consent form before the amputation. The surgeons also feared that not closing the wound promptly could lead to reinfection, further limb loss, or even death.
The hospital’s psychiatric consultation service was asked to determine the patient’s mental capacity. It should be noted that Mr. V emigrated to the United States from a Laotian refugee camp 12 years prior to admission. He speaks only Hmong, the language of the Hmong people indigenous to Southeast Asia.
Mr. V was diagnosed 12 years ago with insulin-dependent diabetes mellitus and has been hospitalized numerous times for foot ulcers. His chart indicates that he has repeatedly disregarded doctors’ orders and has not performed proper foot hygiene.
Previous physicians and caregivers, however, were even more frustrated with the apparent attitude of resignation with which Mr. V has approached his diabetes. He seems to believe that his medical condition is causing his problems and that he cannot prevent diabetic sequelae. He has no history of mental disorders and to our knowledge had never received a psychiatric evaluation.
Why has Mr. V. not complied with diabetes treatment? Is he unable to understand the gravity of his condition?
Dr. Krassner’s observations
Noncompliance is a recurring theme in the treatment of Hmong patients,1-4 as is clinician frustration with their lack of compliance.5,6 This suggests that cultural differences that could have contributed to Mr. V’s noncompliance need to be examined before determining his mental state.
Approaching a culturally sensitive case with an open mind and a respectful attitude will increase the chances of a positive outcome and provide a valuable learning experience for the clinician. You might proceed as follows:
Question your assumptions. Some clinicians assume that psychiatry applies universally to any patient, regardless of cultural background. However, the categories psychiatry imposes on illnesses may not adequately describe an illness as a patient of a different culture experiences it.7-9
Find an interpreter—one who speaks the language and has a “lexicon for emotional experience” similar to the patient’s.10 In this case, we wanted an interpreter who not only spoke Hmong, but who understood the complexities of the animistic Hmong spirituality and could reconcile it with our empirically derived Western belief system.
Depending on a family member to translate can be problematic if that person cannot accurately explain the patient’s disorder, the need for treatment, or the implications of noncompliance. We found the ideal interpreter: a Hmong registered nurse. If you cannot find an interpreter of the same ethnicity as the patient, at least find one who speaks the same language.
Beware of misinterpretation. A patient from another culture who understands some English may not assign the same meaning to words or phrases that we do. For example, when a Hmong says yes, he or she means, “I am listening, and I respect what you’re saying.” In this way, “yes” can be mistaken for consent; noncompliance by Hmong patients can often be traced to this misinterpretation.11
Define “capacity” and its implications. Capacity is always assessed in the context of the question, “capacity to do what?” The context must be explicitly identified, because life decisions require varying levels of capacity. For example, elderly patients with dementia often lack capacity to manage their finances, but have capacity to resolve end-of-life issues (e.g., hospice placement, do-not-resuscitate requests).
For Mr. V, the question was whether he had capacity to refuse the second surgery. To have capacity to consent to or refuse a procedure, a patient must understand the procedure, its risks and benefits, and the risks and benefits of refusing the procedure. The patient also must not be vulnerable to coercion (e.g., by a family member).
Clearly, Mr. V understood the procedure based on his notions of health, illness, life, death, family, social structure, and other concepts.6,12,13 One might question whether a patient such as Mr. V is ever fully informed before giving consent. Even though he had signed a consent form for the amputation, the signature in his eyes did not qualify as consent. Further, having read through our hospital’s consent form, I defy anyone to translate its legal subtleties into Hmong.
Perhaps even more important, the Hmong adhere to a strict social hierarchy: males are held in higher esteem than females, the elderly higher than the young.6,11,14 Therefore, Mr. V’s desire to ask his brothers for advice before consenting to surgery makes sense within his cultural norms and was not a stalling tactic as the surgeons believed.
Try to understand the patient’s concept of illness. We found Mr. V to have capacity within the confines of his medical understanding. He knew the operation was major surgery, and he wanted to consult with his elder brothers—all eight of them (most of whom live in Minneapolis)—prior to consenting. Conversely, the surgeons could think only within the confines of their cultural and clinical understanding. They wanted to perform the procedure expediently to avoid additional diabetic sequelae.
We discussed these concerns with the patient and surgeons and struck a compromise: the surgeons agreed to defer surgery for 10 days, as long as Mr. V indemnified them against complications secondary to the delay. After that, the surgery would be performed regardless of whether Mr. V had consulted his brothers. Mr. V also agreed to continue IV antibiotic therapy. This compliance is not paradoxical: the Hmong often accept antibiotics because of their relatively rapid efficacy.6
For clinicians wishing to understand the Hmong and their view of illness, Anne Fadiman’s The Spirit Catches You and You Fall Down is an excellent resource.6 Kleinman’s seminal work on treating patients from other cultures also emphasizes the importance of eliciting the patient’s understanding in order to diagnose and negotiate treatment.15 Several good textbooks address transcultural patient care; curiously, most are nursing rather than physician texts (see “Related resources,”).
Treatment: Recovery’s rocky road
Closure was delayed for 8 days, during which no complications arose. Mr. V tolerated the antibiotics well. He contracted a low-grade fever at times, but septicemia did not re-emerge.
We continued to follow the patient, who on several occasions became delirious. He was neither violent nor agitated, so he was not treated with neuroleptics, which can cause delirium in Hmong patients.3,4
The patient contacted his brothers and consented to closure surgery, after which he recuperated well for 3 days. On day four, however, he developed respiratory failure. He was resuscitated, intubated, and transferred to the intensive care unit. He was extubated and returned to the floor 24 hours later, at which time he appeared despondent. He exhibited depressed mood, blunted affect, anorexia, anhedonia, and minimal interaction with family or physicians.
Could a different approach to treatment have produced a more favorable response? Also, would you address Mr. V’s depression and, if so, how?
Dr. Krassner’s observations
One might argue that being culturally sensitive and exposing Mr. V to the risks of infection and respiratory distress was a poor medical judgment. This argument takes into account only the biological aspect of Mr. V’s illness, however. Viewed from a biopsychosocial perspective, Mr. V’s course, even with its vicissitudes, was not a “failure” in any sense. He consented to the procedure on his own terms. We identified roadblocks to treatment and unearthed cultural resources (in our case, the patient’s brothers) that could enhance or even replace traditional psychiatric treatments.
To treat Mr. V’s depression, we first assessed the symptoms. We then tried to understand how he experienced his illness within the context of his culture.8 Mr. V’s symptoms certainly implied depression, but in many Asian cultures, patients with depression often present with somatic complaints.1
Also, how were we to know that these symptoms were not due to what Asian cultures refer to as loss of vital energy—or qi—because his sadness and frustration compressed on his heart?1 In order to treat Mr. V’s depression, we must instead call it qi. Only then can we diagnose and treat the patient in a way that makes sense to him or her.15
Even arriving at a differential diagnosis is complicated. For example, if Mr. V were Chinese, we would have to include (in addition to our own narrowly defined depression and dysthymia): mên, depressed or troubled; fan-tsao, anxious or troubled; kan-huo, angry; and hsin-ching pu-hao, generalized, nonspecific emotional upset or bad spirits.15
Further treatment: From grave to grateful
Mr. V was started on sertraline, 50 mg/d, for symptoms of depression. He tolerated the agent well (no GI upset or other side effects). After only 1 week, he had a brighter affect and was more conversant. He expressed thanks for all we had done for him.
The remainder of his recovery was incident-free, and he was discharged 6 days later on sertraline, with psychiatric follow-up arranged with the county mental health services’ Southeast Asian Team.
- Giger JN, Davidhizar RE. Transcultural nursing: assessment & intervention (3rd ed). St. Louis: Mosby, 1999.
- Leininger M, McFarland M. Transcultural nursing: concepts, theories, research & practice (2nd ed). New York: McGraw-Hill, 1995.
- Spector RE. Cultural diversity in health & illness (5th ed). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall Health, 2000.
Author affiliations
David Krassner, MD, third-year resident in psychiatry, department of psychiatry, University of California at San Francisco-Fresno Residency Training Program, Fresno, CA.
Drug brand names
- Sertraline • Zoloft
History: Noncompliance and ‘resignation’
Mr. V, 43, has a history of diabetes. He was admitted to the hospital with altered mental status as manifested by confusion, fluctuating sensorium, and disorientation. His altered mental status was most likely caused by septicemia secondary to osteomyelitis from a right plantar foot ulcer that had become necrotic, tracking through the foot bones into the tibia and fibula.
An emergent amputation was performed of the right tibia and fibula approximately 15 cm distal to the patella, with intent to close the wound within 24 to 48 hours; Mr. V also was started on IV antibiotics. The patient, however, refused the closure procedure, stating that he had not been properly informed before the amputation and would not consent to another procedure until he could speak with his elder brothers.
The surgical team noted that Mr. V had signed the consent form before the amputation. The surgeons also feared that not closing the wound promptly could lead to reinfection, further limb loss, or even death.
The hospital’s psychiatric consultation service was asked to determine the patient’s mental capacity. It should be noted that Mr. V emigrated to the United States from a Laotian refugee camp 12 years prior to admission. He speaks only Hmong, the language of the Hmong people indigenous to Southeast Asia.
Mr. V was diagnosed 12 years ago with insulin-dependent diabetes mellitus and has been hospitalized numerous times for foot ulcers. His chart indicates that he has repeatedly disregarded doctors’ orders and has not performed proper foot hygiene.
Previous physicians and caregivers, however, were even more frustrated with the apparent attitude of resignation with which Mr. V has approached his diabetes. He seems to believe that his medical condition is causing his problems and that he cannot prevent diabetic sequelae. He has no history of mental disorders and to our knowledge had never received a psychiatric evaluation.
Why has Mr. V. not complied with diabetes treatment? Is he unable to understand the gravity of his condition?
Dr. Krassner’s observations
Noncompliance is a recurring theme in the treatment of Hmong patients,1-4 as is clinician frustration with their lack of compliance.5,6 This suggests that cultural differences that could have contributed to Mr. V’s noncompliance need to be examined before determining his mental state.
Approaching a culturally sensitive case with an open mind and a respectful attitude will increase the chances of a positive outcome and provide a valuable learning experience for the clinician. You might proceed as follows:
Question your assumptions. Some clinicians assume that psychiatry applies universally to any patient, regardless of cultural background. However, the categories psychiatry imposes on illnesses may not adequately describe an illness as a patient of a different culture experiences it.7-9
Find an interpreter—one who speaks the language and has a “lexicon for emotional experience” similar to the patient’s.10 In this case, we wanted an interpreter who not only spoke Hmong, but who understood the complexities of the animistic Hmong spirituality and could reconcile it with our empirically derived Western belief system.
Depending on a family member to translate can be problematic if that person cannot accurately explain the patient’s disorder, the need for treatment, or the implications of noncompliance. We found the ideal interpreter: a Hmong registered nurse. If you cannot find an interpreter of the same ethnicity as the patient, at least find one who speaks the same language.
Beware of misinterpretation. A patient from another culture who understands some English may not assign the same meaning to words or phrases that we do. For example, when a Hmong says yes, he or she means, “I am listening, and I respect what you’re saying.” In this way, “yes” can be mistaken for consent; noncompliance by Hmong patients can often be traced to this misinterpretation.11
Define “capacity” and its implications. Capacity is always assessed in the context of the question, “capacity to do what?” The context must be explicitly identified, because life decisions require varying levels of capacity. For example, elderly patients with dementia often lack capacity to manage their finances, but have capacity to resolve end-of-life issues (e.g., hospice placement, do-not-resuscitate requests).
For Mr. V, the question was whether he had capacity to refuse the second surgery. To have capacity to consent to or refuse a procedure, a patient must understand the procedure, its risks and benefits, and the risks and benefits of refusing the procedure. The patient also must not be vulnerable to coercion (e.g., by a family member).
Clearly, Mr. V understood the procedure based on his notions of health, illness, life, death, family, social structure, and other concepts.6,12,13 One might question whether a patient such as Mr. V is ever fully informed before giving consent. Even though he had signed a consent form for the amputation, the signature in his eyes did not qualify as consent. Further, having read through our hospital’s consent form, I defy anyone to translate its legal subtleties into Hmong.
Perhaps even more important, the Hmong adhere to a strict social hierarchy: males are held in higher esteem than females, the elderly higher than the young.6,11,14 Therefore, Mr. V’s desire to ask his brothers for advice before consenting to surgery makes sense within his cultural norms and was not a stalling tactic as the surgeons believed.
Try to understand the patient’s concept of illness. We found Mr. V to have capacity within the confines of his medical understanding. He knew the operation was major surgery, and he wanted to consult with his elder brothers—all eight of them (most of whom live in Minneapolis)—prior to consenting. Conversely, the surgeons could think only within the confines of their cultural and clinical understanding. They wanted to perform the procedure expediently to avoid additional diabetic sequelae.
We discussed these concerns with the patient and surgeons and struck a compromise: the surgeons agreed to defer surgery for 10 days, as long as Mr. V indemnified them against complications secondary to the delay. After that, the surgery would be performed regardless of whether Mr. V had consulted his brothers. Mr. V also agreed to continue IV antibiotic therapy. This compliance is not paradoxical: the Hmong often accept antibiotics because of their relatively rapid efficacy.6
For clinicians wishing to understand the Hmong and their view of illness, Anne Fadiman’s The Spirit Catches You and You Fall Down is an excellent resource.6 Kleinman’s seminal work on treating patients from other cultures also emphasizes the importance of eliciting the patient’s understanding in order to diagnose and negotiate treatment.15 Several good textbooks address transcultural patient care; curiously, most are nursing rather than physician texts (see “Related resources,”).
Treatment: Recovery’s rocky road
Closure was delayed for 8 days, during which no complications arose. Mr. V tolerated the antibiotics well. He contracted a low-grade fever at times, but septicemia did not re-emerge.
We continued to follow the patient, who on several occasions became delirious. He was neither violent nor agitated, so he was not treated with neuroleptics, which can cause delirium in Hmong patients.3,4
The patient contacted his brothers and consented to closure surgery, after which he recuperated well for 3 days. On day four, however, he developed respiratory failure. He was resuscitated, intubated, and transferred to the intensive care unit. He was extubated and returned to the floor 24 hours later, at which time he appeared despondent. He exhibited depressed mood, blunted affect, anorexia, anhedonia, and minimal interaction with family or physicians.
Could a different approach to treatment have produced a more favorable response? Also, would you address Mr. V’s depression and, if so, how?
Dr. Krassner’s observations
One might argue that being culturally sensitive and exposing Mr. V to the risks of infection and respiratory distress was a poor medical judgment. This argument takes into account only the biological aspect of Mr. V’s illness, however. Viewed from a biopsychosocial perspective, Mr. V’s course, even with its vicissitudes, was not a “failure” in any sense. He consented to the procedure on his own terms. We identified roadblocks to treatment and unearthed cultural resources (in our case, the patient’s brothers) that could enhance or even replace traditional psychiatric treatments.
To treat Mr. V’s depression, we first assessed the symptoms. We then tried to understand how he experienced his illness within the context of his culture.8 Mr. V’s symptoms certainly implied depression, but in many Asian cultures, patients with depression often present with somatic complaints.1
Also, how were we to know that these symptoms were not due to what Asian cultures refer to as loss of vital energy—or qi—because his sadness and frustration compressed on his heart?1 In order to treat Mr. V’s depression, we must instead call it qi. Only then can we diagnose and treat the patient in a way that makes sense to him or her.15
Even arriving at a differential diagnosis is complicated. For example, if Mr. V were Chinese, we would have to include (in addition to our own narrowly defined depression and dysthymia): mên, depressed or troubled; fan-tsao, anxious or troubled; kan-huo, angry; and hsin-ching pu-hao, generalized, nonspecific emotional upset or bad spirits.15
Further treatment: From grave to grateful
Mr. V was started on sertraline, 50 mg/d, for symptoms of depression. He tolerated the agent well (no GI upset or other side effects). After only 1 week, he had a brighter affect and was more conversant. He expressed thanks for all we had done for him.
The remainder of his recovery was incident-free, and he was discharged 6 days later on sertraline, with psychiatric follow-up arranged with the county mental health services’ Southeast Asian Team.
- Giger JN, Davidhizar RE. Transcultural nursing: assessment & intervention (3rd ed). St. Louis: Mosby, 1999.
- Leininger M, McFarland M. Transcultural nursing: concepts, theories, research & practice (2nd ed). New York: McGraw-Hill, 1995.
- Spector RE. Cultural diversity in health & illness (5th ed). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall Health, 2000.
Author affiliations
David Krassner, MD, third-year resident in psychiatry, department of psychiatry, University of California at San Francisco-Fresno Residency Training Program, Fresno, CA.
Drug brand names
- Sertraline • Zoloft
1. Kirmayer LJ, Groleau D. Affective disorders in cultural context. Psychiatr Clin North Am 2001;24(3):465-78.
2. Kroll J, Linde P, Habernicht M, et al. Medication compliance, antidepressant blood levels, and side effects in Southeast Asian patients. J Clin Psychopharmacol 1990;10:279-83.
3. Lin KM. Biological differences in depression and anxiety across races and ethnic groups. J Clin Psychiatry 2001;62[suppl13]:13-19.
4. Lin KM, Smith MW, Ortiz V. Culture and psychopharmacology. Psychiatr Clin North Am 2001;24(3):523-38.
5. Culhane-Pera KA, Vawter DE. A study of healthcare professionals’ perspectives about a cross-cultural ethical conflict involving a Hmong patient and her family. J Clin Ethics 1998;9(2):179-90.
6. Fadiman A. The spirit catches you and you fall down. New York: The Noonday Press, 1997.
7. Kulhara P, Chakrabarti S. Culture and schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders. Psychiatr Clin North Am 2001;24(3):449-64.
8. Thakker J, Ward T. Culture and classification: the cross-cultural application of DSM-IV. Clin Psychol Rev 1998 Aug;18(5):501-29.
9. Thakker J, Ward T, Strongman KT. Mental disorder and cross-cultural psychology: a constructivist perspective. Clin Psychol Rev 1999 Nov;19(7):843-74.
10. Kirmayer LJ. Cultural variations in the clinical presentation of depression and anxiety: implications for diagnosis and treatment. J Clin Psychiatry 2001;62[suppl 13]:22-8.
11. Giger JN, Davidhizar RE. Transcultural nursing: assessment & intervention. (3rd ed). St. Louis: Mosby, 1999.
12. Kleinman A, Kunstadter P, et al. (eds) Culture and healing in Asian societies: anthropological, psychiatric, and public health studies. Cambridge, MA: Schenkman Publishing Co., 1978.
13. Spector RE. Cultural diversity in health & illness. (5th ed). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall Health, 2000.
14. Leininger M, McFarland M. Transcultural nursing: concepts, theories, research & practice. (2nd ed). New York: McGraw-Hill, 1995.
15. Kleinman A. Patients and healers in the context of culture: an exploration of the borderland between anthropology, medicine, and psychiatry. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1980.
1. Kirmayer LJ, Groleau D. Affective disorders in cultural context. Psychiatr Clin North Am 2001;24(3):465-78.
2. Kroll J, Linde P, Habernicht M, et al. Medication compliance, antidepressant blood levels, and side effects in Southeast Asian patients. J Clin Psychopharmacol 1990;10:279-83.
3. Lin KM. Biological differences in depression and anxiety across races and ethnic groups. J Clin Psychiatry 2001;62[suppl13]:13-19.
4. Lin KM, Smith MW, Ortiz V. Culture and psychopharmacology. Psychiatr Clin North Am 2001;24(3):523-38.
5. Culhane-Pera KA, Vawter DE. A study of healthcare professionals’ perspectives about a cross-cultural ethical conflict involving a Hmong patient and her family. J Clin Ethics 1998;9(2):179-90.
6. Fadiman A. The spirit catches you and you fall down. New York: The Noonday Press, 1997.
7. Kulhara P, Chakrabarti S. Culture and schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders. Psychiatr Clin North Am 2001;24(3):449-64.
8. Thakker J, Ward T. Culture and classification: the cross-cultural application of DSM-IV. Clin Psychol Rev 1998 Aug;18(5):501-29.
9. Thakker J, Ward T, Strongman KT. Mental disorder and cross-cultural psychology: a constructivist perspective. Clin Psychol Rev 1999 Nov;19(7):843-74.
10. Kirmayer LJ. Cultural variations in the clinical presentation of depression and anxiety: implications for diagnosis and treatment. J Clin Psychiatry 2001;62[suppl 13]:22-8.
11. Giger JN, Davidhizar RE. Transcultural nursing: assessment & intervention. (3rd ed). St. Louis: Mosby, 1999.
12. Kleinman A, Kunstadter P, et al. (eds) Culture and healing in Asian societies: anthropological, psychiatric, and public health studies. Cambridge, MA: Schenkman Publishing Co., 1978.
13. Spector RE. Cultural diversity in health & illness. (5th ed). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall Health, 2000.
14. Leininger M, McFarland M. Transcultural nursing: concepts, theories, research & practice. (2nd ed). New York: McGraw-Hill, 1995.
15. Kleinman A. Patients and healers in the context of culture: an exploration of the borderland between anthropology, medicine, and psychiatry. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1980.